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3 1833 01740 3566 

1914-191. c 

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William and Mary College 


Editor : LYON G. TYLER, M. A., LL. D. 



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MlilUam anb flftart College 

duarterls Ibistorical flDagasine 

VOL. XXIII. JULY, 1914. No. 1. 


Among the most interesting- historical works of the past year 
is "The Whig Party in the South," by Arthur Charles Cole, Ph. 
I)., instructor in history in the University of Illinois. It is un- 
doubtedly an illuminating treatise and is worthy of the honor to 
which it was voted by the American Historical Association as a 
"Prize Essay." It unites a temperateness of tone and conscienti- 
ous research that cannot fail to interest and instruct. Dr. Cole 
presents very carefully all the facts which entered into the origin 
and career of the old Whig party in the South. 

Taken together these facts show that the Whig party in the 
South was one of the greatest curiosities in history. It arose as 
a protest against the Federalism of the Democratic party. The 
Southern Whigs were \Y T higs because the Democrats were not 
States-rights enough. And yet these men, who were opposed to 
bank, tariff and internal improvements, suddenly in 1841 turned a 
complete somersault, and metamorphosed into a party in favor of 
these policies. More remarkable still, unmindful of their own 
self-stultification, and forgetful of their former principles, they 
had the astonishing effrontery to heap unmitigated abuse upon 
John Tyler, who remained faithful to their oft-expressed political 
opinions. Had he set aside a plank in the party platform like 
President Wilson has done in the matter of our coastwise vessels 

2 William and Mary Quarterly 

passing through the Panama Canal,, there might have been some 
reason for their abuse, but the Whigs had no platform. 1 

The work of Dr. Cole, however, is not without some ob- 
jections. While cheerfully according to him his claim of being 
free from any "sectional feeling," I have to regret that in begin- 
ning his work he makes the mistake of ascribing to the Federal- 
ists, National Republican, and Whig parties "essentially the same 

This is probably due to the unconscious influence of his 
Northern surroundings. Party principles to Dr. Cole seem to 
mean measures only, but to my mind the fundamental distinction 
between parties is their attitude to the States and to the Union. 
The Hamilton Federalists believed in a consolidated government. 
They went out of existence as afparty in 1816, and the Demo- 
cratic Republican party held the field in solitary triumph. The 
National Republican party formed in 1828 out of two factions 
of the old Democratic Republican party (J. Q. Adams and Clay) 
avowed no relationship to the Federalists and professed to adhere 
to the doctrines of 1798- '99. Clay, their great leader, when most 
a latitudinarian, professed to believe in the sovereignty of the 
States, and afterwards in 1832 pronounced Jackson's proclama- 
tion against South Carolina as "ultra Federal black cockade." 

As to the Whigs, Dr. Cole's own book shows that the party 
in the South was, during its early years and up to 1841, over- 
whelmingly States rights in feeling and make up, and only 
assumed a real Federalistic resemblance in 184 1, when Gay brow- 
beat both Northern and Southern Whigs into a kind of short-lived 
unity; but this unity itself was based upon an understanding quite 
different from that which prevailed in 1828 with the old National 
Republican party. In the Whig party platform of 1844 noth- 
ing was said of a bank; and the tariff endorsed was a revenue 
tariff with only incidental protection. 

Comparative history presents many curiosities. Tyler was denounced 
by the Whigs for annexing Texas by joint resolutions of Congress, and yet 
not many years ago William McKinley annexed the Hawaiian Islands in 
the same way. In his history Theodore Roosevelt denounced Tyler tor 
spoliating upon Mexico, and he in turn has been denounced for "stealing" 
Panama from Colombia. And so it goes! 

William and Masy Quarterly 3' 

After 1844 the slavery question started the processes of dis- 
solution, and while the Whigs of the South drifted again towards 
States rights, the Whigs of the Xorth drifted into the new 
Republican party of 1856, in union with those elements of the 
Democratic party which controlled it under Jackson and Van 
Buren. In measures and principles this new party was entirely 

During the time in which the Whig party was so largely 
States rights (1834-1841), the Democratic party was decidedly 
Federalistic. There is little difference in principle between Jack- 
son's proclamation against South Carolina and Lincoln's mes- 
sages in 1861. Both Jackson and Lincoln denied the sovereignty 
of the States, and so the Democratic party, founded in 1828 out 
of two factions (Jackson and Crawford) of the old Democratic 
Republican party, placed themselves in line with the Hamilton 
Federalists, and this continued until the Van Buren regency was 
driven from power in 1845. l fr * s suggestive that all Jackson's 
surviving intimates in the Xorth in 1856 joined the new Republi- 
can organization. 

As a matter of fact, it is absurd to talk of party homogeneity 
before 1861. First, there was the question of power, and experi- 
ence teaches that the party in power is generally quite a dif- 
ferent thing from the same party out of power. The New Eng- 
land Federalists in 1812-1814, with their doctrines of States 
rights as outlined in the militia acts of Massachusetts and Con- 
necticut, and in the Hartford convention resolutions, were very 
different from the Hamiltonian Federalists of 1S00 confident 
through the possession of power for twelve years. 

Tnen there were ever present the economic differences of the 
North and the South, which really made of the Union two dis- 
tinct nations, dividing parties as well as sections. It follows, 
that, if there is anv truth in the statement made by Dr. Cole of 

1 Under Jackson all the Northern Democrats in Crr.zress except two 
voted for the protective tariff of 1832. and more money wis voted by rim 
for interna' improvements than was voted by the National Republicans 
ander Adams. 

4 . Wiixiam and Mary Quarterly 

this identity between the Federalists, the National Republicans 
and the Whigs, it is only of a character to be very cautiously and 
doubtfully declared. As the statement stands on the first page of 
his work, it has the effect of anticipating the reader's judgment 
and is inconsistent, in the case of the Whigs, with the evidence 
which Dr. Cole furnishes on the very next page. 

Gay's connection as both leader of the National Republicans 
and Whigs proves nothing, for in no two great periods of his life 
were his views ever the same. As a National Republican in 1828, 
he was for bank, tariff and internal improvements, but as a Whig 
in 1839, ne declared all these measures "obsolete" questions. 

Possibly, this error of Dr. Cole in identifying the Whigs with 
the Federalists, is chargeable to some extent to a mistaken con- 
ception entertained by him as to the Northern Whigs, whose con- 
nection, through not the subject of investigation in this book, 
could not be entirely passed over. In several places, Dr. Cole 
refers to these people before 1841, as "nationalists," in favor of 
a protective tariff, bank,' &c. But as a matter of fact, the North- 
ern Whigs, largely consisting, it is true, of old National Republi- 
cans, gradually changed, through Clay's courtship with the South, 
into very respectable States rights men themselves. In the can- 
vass of 1840 their policy was either to say nothing or to assume 
States rights ground. Throughout the canvass, said James 
Buchanan, no single W f hig meeting in any part of the country 
endorsed a National Bank. Even Daniel Webster, formerly a 
member of the old Federalist party, claimed in one of his speeches 
that he was a Jeffersonian Democrat. And John Quincy Adams, 
the only National Republican President ever elected, and, there- 
fore, the man best fitted to express the views of the Northern 
Whigs, declared in Congress, as late as February 4, 1841, in a 
debate on the Treasury Note Bill, diat he had not made up his 
mind on any subject and that he was equally at sea as to the in- 
tentions of General Harrison, the President-elect (See Tyler, 
Tylers, II., p. 71). 

Nor do I think that Dr. Cole does justice to the number 
of the personal following of President Tyler. According to the 
President's. own statement to Robert J. Walker, which the latter 

William and Mary Quarterly 5 

tn his letter to Jackson reporting the interview did not contra- 
dict, upwards of 150,000 persons accompanied him out of the 
Whig party. That his estimate was not overstated was shown, 
after the bank vetoes, by the results of the elections for Congress 
in 1842. Then the very earth seemed to open under the Whigs, 
and John Quincy Adams wrote as follows: "All the other 
elections are excessively disjointed; the Whigs overwhelmed 
and the Democracy altogether in the ascendant. Caleb Cushing, 
too, has had a magnificent reception at Newbury port and the 
signs of the Tyler party are much stronger than I would have 
imagined/' Afterwards, during the canvass of 1844 f° r Presi- 
dent, the Tyler contingent controlled the results in Pennsyl- 
vania, New York and other States where the issue between 
Democrats and Whigs was close. Robert J. Walker, Chairman 
of the Democratic party, and N. P. Tallmadge, leader of the 
Conservatives in New York, ought to be pretty fair authority on 
this point. (Tyler, Tylers, III., 139, 153, 159.) 

In conclusion, it may be suggested that a comprehensive his- 
tory of the Whig party in the North is now in order. Perhaps, 
no other person is as capable of giving satisfaction in compiling 
such a work as Dr Cole. 

William and Mary Quarterly 


Professor Bird T. Baldwin's dissertation on the "Honor Sys- 
tem" in the Journal of Educational Psychology for January, 19 14, 
published at Baltimore, Maryland, affords interesting reading. 
It appears necessary to understand the question, Dr. Baldwin 
seems to make the Honor System identical with "student direc- 
tion and student control in examinations," and, after referring 
to the claims of William and Mary College and South Carolina 
College, as of much earlier date, gives the University of Virginia 
the credit of "first definitely fixing the date of the formal adop- 
tion of the organized system as a system." In this he refers to 
the action of the University Board in 1842 of requiring a pledge 
to the examination papers. 

If by all this Dr. Baldwin intended to define the system of 
honor as a mere rule established for the examination room, it is 
not the Honor System I was acquainted with at the University 
when a student there from 1870 to 1876. The "system of honor" 
which we heard talked of was a spirit, not a rule or set of rules. 
It had relation to the behavior of the student considered as a 
gentleman of dignity and standing. It covered his whole con- 
duct. We, as students, were not to be spied upon, we were not 
to be harassed by petty rules and regulations and our word was 
to be taken without question. Lying, cheating, stealing and haz- 
ing were proscribed by this code, and it made no difference 
whether they were committed in the examination room or out of 
»t. We never regarded the pledge attached to the examination 
papers — that "we had neither given nor received assistance from 
the beginning to the end of this examination" — other than as a 
formal acknowledgement of our obligation to act as gentlemen. , 

This being the case, the priority regarding the Honor System 
is between William and Mary College and the University of 
V irginia is easily determined. The fact is that from the begin- 
ning of the University in 1824 to the year 1842, at least, the 
Board of Visitors of the University did not recognize the splendid 

William and Mary Quarterly 7 

code of honor which distinguished the institution in after days. 
As shown by the official minutes, the laws of the University dur T 
ing these eighteen years were almost those of a reformatory in- 
stitution, and regulated every particular of dress, table fare, and 
student behavior. The result was that the Virginia youth re- 
sented this treatment, and the history of the University was for 
years one of open rebellion and lawlessness. 

Now then, what was the discipline at William and Mary 
College during this early period when the espoinage system pre- 
vailed at the University? So far was it from being like that at 
the University, that the President, John Augustine Smith, in a 
report in 1826, referred to the University regulations as a sys- 
tem "no one is willing to adopt here." But what was the system 
at William and Mary? Why, if we can trust Judge Nathaniel 
Beverley Tucker in his address to his Law Class in 1834, It was 
in every respect like the noble code of honor which prevailed at 
the University from 1870 to 1876, and of which the present 
writer can personally speak, being a student there at the time. 
Here is a passage from Judge Tucker's address in 1834: 

"If there be anything by which the University of William and 
Mary has been advantageously distinguished, it is the liberal and 
magnanimous character of its discipline. It has been the study of 
its professors to cultivate at the same time the intellect, the 
. principles, and the deportment of the student, laboring with equal 
diligence to infuse the spirit of the scholar and the spirit of the 
gentleman. He comes to us as a gentleman. As such we receive 
and treat him, and resolutely refuse to know him in any other 
character. He is hot harassed with petty regulations ; he is not 
insulted and annoyed by impertinent surveillance. Spies and in- 
formers have no countenance among us. We receive no accusa- 
tions but from the conscience of the accused. His honor is the 
only witness to which we appeal; and should be even capable of 
prevarication as falsehood, we admit no proof of the fact." 

To this he added the following: sentence: 

"The effect of this system in inspiring a high and scrupulous 
sense of honor, and a scorn of all disingenuous artifice, has been 

8 William and Mary Quarterly 

ascertained by long experience, and redounds to the praise of its 

In 1847, thirteen years later, Judge Tucker emphasized these 
views. In his address to his Law Class he spoke of the College 
as a "School of Honor" — as establishing "a system altogether her 
own," as "taking the lead in that great experiment in the disci- 
pline of the youthful mind, which substitutes candid appeals to 
the better feelings of the pupil, and frank reliance on his honor 
for espionage, seventy and the restraints of the cloister," and 
"as keeping in advance of all the rest" of the colleges in this re- 
spect. (See William and Mary Quarterly Magazine, XVIIL, 
165-171.) Judge N. B. Tucker was brother of Henry St. George 
Tucker, author of the University resolution of 1842; both of 
them had been students of William and Mary College in 1799, 
and both had been trained in the William and Mary "School of 

Judge Tucker in his address in 1834 referred to the system 
at William and Mary as one of "long continuance." When did 
it, there fore, originate? Certainly before 1799 when the Tuckers 
were students. I have been inclined to consider the time as about 
1779, when Mr. Jefferson, as Governor, living in Williamsburg, 
reorganized the curriculum, when the Grammar School for boys 
was abolished, when the chairs of Law and Medicine were es- 
tablished, and when the college had in its attendance several Rev- 
olutionary officers, such as Captain John Marshall, afterwards 
Chief Justice, and Captain William Pierce, who distinguished 
himself at "Eutah Springs." The conditions must have been 
much like those I remember at the University from 1870 to 1876, 
when that institution numbered on its rolls a number of men who 
had served in the Confederate army, and who would, of course, 
have resented any attempt to treat them as children. 

It was not loTig after 1779 — to be exact, in 1784 — that a writ- 
ten pledge was, for the first time, required by the William and 
Mary authorities of the matriculates to observe the college regu- 
lations, and to "pursue that kind of conduct which they shall 
think conducive to the honor and prosperity of the institution." 
So in the published code of rules of 1817, students were to be 

William and Mary Quarterly 9 

examined on "honor" in cases of dereliction; and in 1830 an 
elaborate statute was passed wherein it was stated that "if any 
student denied on his honor an offence," such denial should be 
taken as "conclusive evidence" of his innocence, because, as was 
asserted, "the convention (that is, the Board of Visitors) is satis- 
fied that no student will degrade himself by a falsehood, and that 
an appeal to his honor will never be made in vain." 

In his address in 1847, previously referred to, we are further 
assured by Judge Tucker that "to the student's own sense of duty 
and interest fortified by his plighted word" was committed "the 
entire enforcement of the scanty but important code of rules at 
William and Mary," and he says that "the experiments succeeded 
so well that the example to a certain extent had been everywhere 

Let us not deceive any one. Judge Tucker's words must not 
be understood as meaning that the Honor System cured all the 
troubles of college discipline. On the contrary the students were 
very wild at times, and cases of disorder and intoxication were 
by no means infrequent. But these minutes of the college pro- 
ceedings are conspicuously free from recording any instances of 
the baser defects of human character — lying, cheating, stealing 
or hazing, on the part of the students; and we fail to find any 
evidence of espionage, on the part of the Faculty. 


(Continued from Vol. XXIL, p 248.) 

Att a court holden for the county of Yorke the 26 7 of Octo- 
ber 1646: Whereas Thomas Beale hay in Co" made sufficient pfe 
that yere is due to him tvvoe hundred & fifty Acres of land for 
ye transportation of five psons into yis Collony viz 1 Tho: Beale, 
Alice Beale, Morgan Hennett, John Ashfield & John Heyward, 
The court^doy order that certificate yereof be made ut sup. 

Whereas it appearey to the court by the confession of John 
Merryman that he stands indebted to Thomas Harrwod the 
sume of one thousand powndes of tob: for consideration of a 
man to keepe his booke & rec. tob: in y* imployment of Capt. 
Derrickson as alsoe twoe hundred powndes of tob: more wch 
he paid to Capt. Chri: Calthropp at y* request of y* s d Merry- 
man for y a s d Derrickson's debt. The Co rt doy Therefore order 
yat y* s 1 Merryman shall make payment of y* s d twelve hundred 
powndes of tob: to y* s d Thomas Harrwod wth Courth charges 
within tenn dayes ells exec. 

Whereas there was divers men liveing at the lower end of 
Yorke Psh who weare delinquent in sending upp a man to y* 
Middle Plantation for that gen r all worke in setting upp a pale 
yere according to former order whereby Capt. Robert Higginson 
was forst to put a man in his Rome, The Court doy Yere tore 
.order that the s d men soe delinquent shall upon demand pay to 
y* s d Capt Robert Higginson the sume of yerty five powndes of 
tobacco p. poll for satis f aeon of the hire of a man in yier room 
& by him imployed as affores d and yat upon refuseall Y° sherr. 
to distrayne for the same as in public leavyes. 

Whereas it appeareth to the Court by Attestacon out of Hol- 
land as by the oath of John Merryman that Capt. Der- 
rickson carryed home in his shipp a maide servant by name 
Trinity Slough belonging to Mr. Richard Glover, the Court doy 
therefore order that the s d Richard Glover shall have an attach- 

William and Mary Quarterly ii 

incut against the estate of y* s d Capt Derrickson for satisfacon 
of y* s d Maide servant & damages yereby sustained. 
Nov. the 20 th 1646 p r sent 

Capt. Nicholas Martian 

Mr. William Pryor 

Capt. Wm Taylor 

Mr. Rowland Burnham. 

Thomas Bremore committed to the Sheriff to be detayned in 
prison for "behaving himself unseemly" in y* presents of y* 
Court for drunkenness. 

The Court doy order that if at any Co rt hereafter there be any 
man distempered with drinke whereby they may as fformerly 
boy abuse yemselves and yis court. And if it appeare they had 
y* s d drinke from Thomas Deacon that yen y 8 s d deacon for 
letting yem y* s d drinke shall yerefore bide ye censure of yis 

Whereas there was du to Robert Lewis from Edward Shelen- 
dine, Wm. Todd, John Hartwell and Wm Hunt sixe days worke 
for the soulder wch was presst for Rappahannock, It is there- 
fore ordered that y* s d Shellendine, Hartwell, todd & Hunt pay 
y* s d Lewis 100 tob. p. day for the s d worke according to former 
order y* counseil of war*. 
Nov: the 26 th 1646: 

Whereas M r Thomas Hampton Cler obtayned the Guardian- 
ship of the orphants of John Powell late of yis County dec. 
& hay possest himselfe with yere estates and hay alsoe removed 
on of y* s d orphants with most pte of ye sd estates out of yis 
county and left beftinde ye oyer orphant by name Wm. Powell 
wiyout necessary pvison to say even starke naked, where upon y e 
Court upon y* pet of y* s d Wm Powell doy order yat Thomas 
Harrwod shall take into his keeping Wm. Powell orphant and to 
pvide sufficient & necessary Cloaying for y* s d Wm Powell and at 
y* next County Court to give an ace 1 yereof at wch Co rt furyer 
order to be taken yerein and y* y e sherr shall hereby have power 
to make seizure of soe much tobacco as is due from a negro 
woeman for her wages yis yeare wch belongs to y a s d orphants. 

12 .< William and Mary Quarterly 

And that a bull belonging to y* s d orphants wch dayley doy 
trespass y* Neighbours as p y* pet. of Rich: Wyate to 
y* Court be sold at y* best rate & payment hereof made to 
y* s* Tho. Harrwod whoe is to give acco 1 hereof at y* next Court 
December 21, 1646. 

Richard Wyat order to pay Thomas Eaton of London Cur- 
rigion one hhd of tobacco with Court charges. 

Att a Court holden for the county of Yorke the 25 th January, 
1646 p r sent &c. 

In the name of God amen. I Wm. Pryor being sicke in body 
but pfect in minde & memory praysed be god revokeing all 
former wills doe make and ordayne Yis my last will & testament 
in manner & forme following. 
Imp ra! " I give & bequeath my soule into y* hands of almighty god 
my maker & my body to decent Christian buriall, and as con- 
cerning my temporall estate vizt. 

I give & bequeath to my eldest daughter Margareth my whole 
pte of the shipp Honor and five hundred and ninety one powndes 

I give & bequeath to my daughter Mary five hundred pownds 

I give & bequeath to y* eldest sonn of my broyer law Jasper 
Gayton fifty pounds. 

I give & bequeath to y* wife of Richard Kemp Esq fifty pownds 
sterling. I give & bequeath to Ric. Bennett Esq. yirty pounds 

I give & bequeath unto Capt. Thomas Harrison, capt of y* shipp 
Honor yerty pounds sterling. 

I give & bequeath unto Capt. Thomas Harrwod yerty pounds 

I give & bequeath to my eldest daughter Margaret the whole 
divident of land where I now live with all the appurtenances 
thereto belonging as howses, orchards or the like, but for the rest 
and remainder of my lana\ I give and bequeath to my daughter 
Mary. I give & bequeath to Mrs. Mary Kcrton one hundred 
pounds sterling. My will is yat if in case I have not soe much 
money now in England to pay & discharge the legacyes abovesd 

William and Mary Quarterly 13 

that my children being my exect™ shall be pd in y* first place, 
and the legacy to others following that is out of y* pceed of y* 
tob: that shall be sent home y u yeare or yereafter what shall be 
pduced out of my estate yere in Virginia. . 

And for the rest of my temporall estate of what kinde & quality 
or condition soe ever that shall be remaining I freely give & 
bequeath unto my two daughters Margarett & Mary to be equally 
divided betwixt them whom I make & ordeyn my full & sole exer* 
to see yis my will p'formed and my leyacyes pd & I doe hereby 
yis my will & testament request & appoynte my beloved ftriends 
Jasper Clayton my brother-in-law, Capt. Thomas Harrison and 
capt Thomas Harrwood overseers in trust for & in behalfe of my 
children In witness whereof I have hereunto sett my hand & 
scale the 2iy day of Jaun. 1646 

William Pryor the seale 

Sealed & delivered in the 
jfesence of 

John Rose 

Wm Hockaday 

pbat r in cur comt Ebora vicessimo quinto die mensis Januarii 

t Sacrament Johanes Rose et Wm. Hockaday Ano 1646 

Teste me, Ro. Bouth Cler. cur. 
. _ 
The agreement of Capt. Wm Brocas Esq and Mary his wife 

conveys to capt Thomas Harrison "maister of the shipp Honnor" 
"two negroe men servants." and also consigns to his keeping a 
quantity of tobacco to be delivered to William Allen, merchant 
in London — the said tobacco being rated 12 shillings per 100. 
Dated Jan. 30. 1646. 

By the Gov n or and Capt. General! of Virginia 

To all to whom these presents shall come I S r Wm Berkeley Knt 
CoVnor & Capt. Generall of Virginia send Greeting in our 
Lord God everlasting, whereas Wm Pryer gentleman, late of the 
County, of Yorke dec. did by his last will & testament make & 
ordayne Margaret and Mary Pryor his twoe daughters exec™ 

14 William and Mary Quarterly 

of Ms last will & testament & alsoe M r Jasper Clayton Capt Tho 
Harrison & Capt. Thomas Harwood overseers of y e same. And 
whereas at a Co rt holden at York the 26 th day of January last 
the s d Capt. Tho. Harrison & Captain Thomas Harwood make 
humble suite to the co r t that a p'bate myght be made unto yem of 
the s d last will & testament in y e behalfe of y* children Margarett 
& Mary Pryor for wch cause full power & authority accordingly 
is given yem on y* s d estate in the behalfe of y e s d Margaret & 
Mary Pryor and for the dispensing of y e same according to y° 
true intent & meaning of y e s d testator, given under my hand & 
sealed with y* seal of y* Collony this foweth of feb. 1646. 

William Berkeley. 

Robert Ellison is allowed to satisfy his claim for 1030 pounds of 
tobacco out of Robert Jackson's estate. 

25 th of January, 1646. 

Where is appearey to y* court by the oath of M r Richard Ander- 
son Cler that he gave unto Thomas Hardy twoe heifers and 
twoe Calves for hi's servis done for him. And that y* s d Anderson 
made ouer the s d Catle to Geo: Hardy as in trust for the use of 
the s d Thos: Hardy. And for as much as y e s d Thomas Hardy 
hay peticon to y 1 " Co rt that the s d M r Richard Anderson myght 
by order deliver to him the s d Catle This co rt doth therefore order 
that the s d M r Richard Anderson Clu shall forthwith deliver the 
s d Catle to y* s d Thomas Hardy And that the bill made for the 
s d Catle by the s d M r Richard Anderson to Geo. Hardy be voyde 
and of noe force against him for the s d Catle. 

The Co rt order that Capt. Nicho: Martian, M r John Chew and 
M r Row: Burnham or any twoe of yem take the oay of M M 
Wormley, Wife to Capt. Ralph Wormeley, on the Inventory of 
her late husband's estate dec. 
January 27, 1646 

The under sheriff Phillip Thacker ordered to collect corne or 
the value thereof from whom it is due and to pay Nicholas Sebril 
"for his servis done at the Midle plantaton the last yeare wch was 
to be collected and.pd to him by the then sherr." 

William and Mary Quarterly 15 

Whereas Edward Wright stands indebted unto Thomas deacon 
one Mayde servant wch should have been pd the 25th day of 
December last, for paymt whereof the s d Wryght made over in 
Co** one cowe & one yearling wiy his cropp of tob and corne And 
for as much as the s d Wryght hay not made payment of y* s d 
servant, the Court doth yerefore order that y* s d deacon shall 
have execucon against y* s d cow & yearling cropp of tob & corne 
for satis facon of y* s d Maide servant & charges of Court. 

I, Henry Brooke, doe acknowledge to have rec of M r \Y m Hocka- 
day for the use of Barnaby Brooke, dec, the sume of fourteen 
pownds & five shillings six pence for wch sume I rec. twoe 
yousand & twoe hundred pounds of tob in the yeare 1643 it 
pducing the sume afforesd in holland & noe more witness my 
hand vis 14 y of June 1644 

3£ me Henry Brooke 


Tho: Heath 

Know all men by these p r sents that I Nicholas Browne of the 
backe river in Virginia, gentlemen, y* lawful attorney of Charles 
foxe, Leather seller of London, doe by vertur of a letter of 
Attorney to me & oyers directed accquit & discharge Wm. Ed- 
wards, Thomas Wombill & Wm Hockaday yere hevres executors 
or Adm 10 ** frome one bill of fifty odd pounds sterling due & 
payable to y*« s d Charles foxe & doe hereby binds myself e to de- 
liver the bond or the true copy yereof Lawfully Attested y* next 
returae of shipping unto Virginia as witness my hand yis 3 d of 
Jan: An° dora 1644 

Witness Robert Bradshaw, Nicholas Browne. 

Received of Mathew Hawkins three hoghds of tob marke M. H. 
by me capt Derrick Derrickson, for the prceed and pfitt of the s d 
tob according to order rec. from the s d Matthew Hawkins I doe 
bind me my heires, exect™ Adm trt & Assignes to be accountable, 
necessary charges & the danger of y* seas excepted, In witness 
whereof I have hereunto sett my hands this 2\ r of March 1645 

Derrick Derrickson* 


i6 William and Mary Quarterly 

Witness by 
Humphrey Floyd 
Ralph Ring 
John (T.) Merriman 

his mark 
♦From Graft in Holland. 

Att a court holden att the house of Capt Rich Townshend Esq. 

the 5y of feb 1646. 

p r sent. S r Wm Berkeley Knt Gov r nor 

Capt John West 

Mr. Rich Kempe 

Capt Richard Townshend 

Geo Ludlow, esqrs. 

In the difference depending betwixt Capt. Nicholas Martian and 
Mr. Rich Lee High Sherr of Yorke County concerning the 
seizure of -a man servant of y* s d Capt Martian's for county 
Levyes is referred to be tried y* 4 th day of March cort next be- 
fore the Gov r nor & counsell. 

"James Stone of London March 1 " acknowledges a debt to 
"Robert Vaus of Virginia March 1 ." 

Robert Blackwell given a certificate for 250 acres of land for 
transporting 5 person into the colony 

Certificate granted to John Holding for the transportation of 

13 persons. 


At a Quarter Court at James City the 6 th of May 1645 the 
following were present 


S r Wm Berkeley Gov r ner &c. 

Hichard Kempe Capt Humphrey Higginson 


William and Mary Quarterly 17 

Capt. Tho: Petters George Ludlow 

Ruggby's patent 

(August 16, 1640.) 

Know all men by these p r sents shall come I S r Wm Berkeleys K\ 
Gov r . & Capt. Generall of Virginia send greeting in our lord god 
everlasting, Whereas by his Ma t,et instructions directed to me 
and the Counsell of State his ma tl? was graciously pleased to auth- 

oryze me the s d Governor & the counsell to grant pattents and 
to assign such p'portion of land to all adventurers & planters 
as have been made heretofore in like cases either for adventures 
of money or transportation of people' according to y* order of 
the late Company & since allowed by his Ma ty & likewise that 
there bee y* same p'portion of fifty acres of land granted and 
assigned for every pson that hath been transported into y e Collony 
since midsomer 1625 and that the same be continued to all per- 
sons transported by them untill it shall be oyerwise determined by 
his Ma tle now, know y* &c &c (400 acres granted on Rugsby's 
creek near Chesapeake Bay) 

John Chew's deed conveying to Robert Linsey & Henry Lowry, 
Churchwardens of the p'ish of Yorke, for the use benefitt & 
behoofe of y* s^ p'ish for there Glebe 200 acres of land lying on 
the west side of Wm Hawkins which is p'te & p'cell of seaven 
hundred and fifty acres of land lying on the north side of 
Chisman creek as p a Pattent once granted bearing date y e 18 th 
day of February, 1638 may more fully at large appeare, January 
16, 1642. 

This bill of sale was surrendered upp in Co rt by Peter Rugby 
& his heiress & assignes f 01 ever by John Garkson and Robert 
Todd, churchwardens, successors to Linsey & Lowry. 24th of 
September 1647 

Mr. Bushrode Loveing fTriend with my best respects remembered 
I pray you to lett me intreat you to p'secute a suite for me 
against capt. Ralph Wormley for a debt due to Joseph Xettmaker 
from the estate of Luke Stubbins dec I have sent you Mr. 
Xettmakers letter of attorney by wch I give you power to 
psecute y* suite youselfe or to appoint one other. I have sent 

you also Mr. Stubbins his note under Mr. Nettmaker his hand 
and Mr. John Stringer's deposition to prove y* debt. I believe 
Capt VVormeley will pay y* debt without suite when he sees 
Mr. Stringer's deposition. Not ells at present. I am yo" r to be 
commanded Cornelius Loyd 

A true & pfect Inventory of the estate of M r Wm Kellaway dec 
in y* hands of Capt Ralph VVormeley gentlen Administrat or 
Yereof taken yis 5 r of August 1647 Jv us whose names are hereto 

b tob 
Imp'mis one old cloath suit & Cloathes &- one old 

cloak lined with plus all 0350 

Itm 3 pre of new boates being much damnified 0090 

Itm 3 pre of old boates at 20 b %} paire is 0060 

Itm one old suite & coate of Clouy 0050 

Itm one pre of shooes smale & greate at 20 b pre 0320 

Itm I new Kersey suite for a servant at 0060 

Itm twoe . . . suites of Cloyes for boyes 0100 

Itm fower small shirts for boyes 0040 

Itm fower pre of sheepe skine gloves 0024 

Itm twoe little piece of coarse ribbon 0003 

Itm twoe old. Holland sheirts at 20 b p sheirt 0040 

Itm twoe quire of pap 0006 

Itm twoe new pre of course yarn stockins for boyes 0016 
Itm two pre of old patched stockins 0008 

Itm twoe knives 0006 

Itm twoe old Hatts 0020 

Itm one pap of garden seeds 0030 

Itm one old beauer brush 0003 

Itm sixe little books 0100 

Itm one old sea Coate 0040 

Itm one old . . . 0040 

Itm one old trunk 0025 

Itm one smale Trunke 0025 

Itm a pcell of old cufts & bands & bolt of house linen 0080 
Itm five Rundells & conteyninge 23 gallons of strong 

waters at 20 b p gallon 0460 

Itm one bill of debt due from M p Buraham 1500 * ; 

" ' 

Sume is 353° D tob 


Rich Lee 

i-t :: /■ :;:::: 

•■: : :;• y- A : - - r--*: 

... .....j -_ 

b s 

a ■ 

:: _5 -. : >c r.irrt 

Edward Z-r v r.:r 
rt~. ; : - Mi-ifrr: it: 
Tr.:-~ ii 3 :-;- 5 it. : : 

~ I :::-..- !:_:- _-_; 
-" '•'.-- ~ i i- — ti : -.-: 

of Caries River k 
of sale dated the-iitk A 


V: t : i . 


Whereas Francis Wheeler of Loudon, Marchant, being now 
bound a voyage to \'irginia in the good ship the Honor 'of 
London whereof CapL Thomas Harrison is M r & whereas y* s 4 
ffrancisand M r John White of London Grocer doe send in y* s* 
shipp divers goods & Marchandizes packed toyeyer as by y* bills 
of invoyces yereof is signified and alsoe servants whereof one of 
yem is y* servant of s 4 John White And whereas the s 4 ftrancis 
W'heeler may happ to dye in y* s d voyage, now yerefore yey the s 4 
fends Wheler & John White doe by yese p r sents assigne auyorize 
& appoint Antony Stansford factor for Wm Allen marchant in 
case y* s 4 fTrancis Wheeler* dy to be yere Attor:, factor & deputy 
to unlade y* s 4 goods & marchandize when y er . come to Virginia & 
to trafficke with & dispose of y* same togeyer with y* ser- 
vant afTores 4 & to shippe & returne y* pduce & trafficke 
yereof to London to be consigned 'to y r s 1 John White for & to 
y* use of him y* s 4 John White & fir Wheeler, there exece^ & 
assignes respectively & alsoe to dernande & gayer upp all debts 
due y* s 4 M r John White and to give & make acquittances for y* 
same. And so doe all yings 'ells needful about y* primiscs as 
fully & effectually as if y* s 4 fir Wheeler dee live and weare 
yere psonally p r sent all wch y* s 4 flra Wheeler & John White 
doe hereby ratine & coiuirme, given under yere hands & seales 
dated at London yis 16 day of Sept 1646. 

Sealed & deliver in the p r sence of 
John Eldred 

ffrancis Cooper 

ffr Wheeler 
y* seale 
John White 
y* seale 
(To Be Continued.) 

William and Mary Quarterly 21 

*. • -i 

(Continued fromiVol. XXII. , 174.) 

Oct. 6, 179 1. — W m Richardson, Chas. Hundley & David Cochran, 

Inspector's bond. 
Feb. 19, 1785. — Mary Robinson, of St. Mary's Parish Caroline 

gives "for love" to Thos. Read Roote3 of St. Paul, 

Hanover, "who hath married my niece Sarah Ring 

Battaile," negroes. 
June 1, 1785. — John Robinson, late of St. Martin Parish, in his 

life possessed 

(1) 400 a. surveyed for Jno. Whealer on Mar. 8 1784, 
on branches of Sycamore creek. 

(2) 140 a. surveyed for Richard Robins Apr. 15, 1749 

(3) I 5° a. surveyed for Joseph Bennett Nov. 7, 1751 

(4) 275 a. surveyed for Thos. Stockley Nov. 7, 175 1 

(5) 2 ^3 a. surveyed for David Griffith Nov. 7, 175 1 
AH situated at the time in Lunenburg County but now sup- 
posed to be in Pittsylvania Co. ; said John Robinson 
made his will July 4, 1783 & app't Maj. \V m O. Winston 
& John Warden his attorneys. 

Nov. 18, 1788. — George Rowland & Elizabeth, his wife, to 
Jos. Cross, Jr., of Hanover, 126 a. adj. Haines, Jas. 
Cross & David Rowland. 

Dec. 24, 1788. — Jno Richmond & Jane Marxton made oath be- 
fore Justice of Fairfield Co., South Carolina, that Sarah 
Terry, wife of Stephen Terry, late of the Watens Creek, 
died in July, 1728, & further testified that they remem- 
ber her regretting that she had left her children in 
Virginia &c. 

Ott- 15, I79r. — Sarah Rutherford to her sister Frances Noel's 
children — negroes. 

Dec. 10, 1789. — Hezekiah Seay, of Hanover, to James Seay — 
negroes & cattle. 

Wilixam and Mary Qc^rtexly 

Aug. 2$, 1790. — Hezekiah Sea • :; ::: t: -n-Iaw John Hiaes, 
of Hanover — negroes fc. 

Nov. jo, 1786- — James Shepherd k his wife Sarah to Richard 

Littlepage 135 a. called J -4 Hi 

Oct, 1789. — Christopher 51- t 'is : " ihooy — cattle &c 

Dec 8, 1788.— Join Shetoo £ Abb to \V» Wiagfidd 

50 a. on Cedar Cv = .-. ill :.-.-. lap:. 

Thompson, 'Cap;. S h i how 

SepL 16, 1 79 1. — J: ho ihefton &. Nancy, :: 5: Paul 

Parish, to Jno. Crer. . ■:■■ -5 1 beg ■ 1 e fork of 
Ground Squirrel road & the new road to Chran 5af 

on Mill road adj. Thos. Crenshaw, John Crenshaw. 

June I, 1790. — John Shelton L Ana his wife, of St Fau 

Poflard 331 a. in St. Martin north side South fork of 

Pamimkey rive". Efolo :n river ;-f. :-eI:w grri-ind 
Squirrel bridge c:-v: river to mouth :: Ji: Eeef 
branch in The 5. Crenshaw's, ad. /::.- Irensoa £ :: 
Chester-gap road. 

Mar. iS, 17S5. — Bernard Sims :: Cumh-rriar.d I: :: Nathan 
Sims of Hanover 150 a. on Middle branch of Tara:..- 
Swamp, adj. \V" Henderson 1 '::: Sims i: James Sims. 

Mar. 20, 17S6. — Tames Sims t El :abem his - ife of Y .-::.-. d: 

(South Carolina to W a Chick of James City Co, Va^ 
342 a. in Louisa & Hanover Emmies :n Tern: road 
adj. -Pouacey Anderson, David Tohasorj Nathan Sims 
& John Gleaa. 

Dec. 8, 17S7. — Nathan Sims & Mary, his wife, of Hanover :: 

W B Chick of Hanover 000 a. 00 branches :: Tenao - 

Swamp, adj. David Henderson. \Y* Henderson 

Chicks & Chas. Sims. 

Oct 5, 17S6.— \Y" Sims & Judith, his wife, oi St Paul Parish, 

to Meaken Green 150 a : : : : : : r : ~ J: _ -. : • < s 

ornce to the C. H. 1 adj. Jenn Timcer.ake ii .ano sad 

\\' m Suns bought :: \Y 3 Arms-moo; ii or I ;-i:.:.: — 

South Fork of Crump's Creek a_ Pollard's. 

William and Mary Quarterly 23 

Dec. 31, 1791. — David X Sims, of Hanover, & Rachel X, his wife, 
to Robt Sneed 33 a. adj. Robt Elliott — David Sims, Benj. 
Sims. Witness James Henry. 

June 5, — 1792. — David X Sims & Rachel X, his wife, of St. 
Paul Parish, to their son John Sims (a part of their 
homestead), adj. John Martin, Elizabeth Anderson, 
David Sims & Benj. Sims — Witness Hardin Davis & 
Evan Ragland. 

May 27, 1784. — Dodman X Sledd, of St. Paul Parish, to Jere- 
mjahGlinn 53 a. adj. James For tin, Solomon Nash, \Y m 
Cawthom, Elizabeth Butler & Chas. Toler. 

Dec. 10, 1791. — Dennis Smelt, of Augusta, Georgia, revokes 

power of Attorney he had given W m Simpkin of King 

& Queen Co. & appoints W m Pollard, the younger his 


Witness W m Longstreet, W m Cocke, & Philip Clayton J. P. 

Jan. 17, 1792. — Bartelott Smith,. Barnett Smith, Geo. Smith, Thos. 
Smith, Joel Watkins, Wyat Coleman & Sally Coleman 
to Isaac Winston, 90 a. on North Branch of Pamunkey 
River (it being a part of 200 a. which Frances Smith in 
her will left to the several legatees mentioned therein. 
Begin at a corner of George Smith on Pug Swamp, 
thence up North River to Garlands bridge — old Mill 
dam on Piny Swamp. 

Nov. 7, 1783. — Jno Snead Jr. & Rebecca Snead, his wife, of Han- 
over, to W m Keaser 100 a. on Stoney Run adj. Jno. 
Bowles Jr., Jno Priddy, Jno Snead Sr., being land for- 
merly given Jno Snead, Jr, by his Father Jno Snead, Sr. 

Sept. 4, 1788. — Jno. Snead, of St. Paul, to Richard Snead 100 a. 
on Stoney Run, adj. John Bowles dec d , Anderson, James 
Littlepage, Mire Branch, Stamping branch. 

Nov. 8, 1790. — W m Snelson to Jno. Wool folk — negroes. 

Oct 1, 1788.— Jno. Southworth & Sary, his wife, & W m King, 
of Hanover, to Richard Littlepage, 60 a. ( formerly the 

24 -' William and Mary Quarterly 

property of Cuthbirth Hudson Rowland), adj. said 
Rich 4 LittJepage, Pettus Ragland, W m King & Jas. Cross 

Apr. II, 1786. — Rose X Spicer, of Hanover, to Richard Owen & 
W" Spicer: "whereas Thos. Grigsby formerly of Staf- 
ford did in his will bequeath a certain Part of his estate 
to all the children of his brother Chas. Grigsby, Now 
the said Rose Spicer, one of the legatees under said 
will &c. 

Feb. 2, 1791. — Rosemon X Spicer, of Hanover, to W m Spicer 
negroes & one feather bed. 

Sept. 2, 1784. — -John Stanley & W m Richardson, inspectors of 
warehouse, bond, Bennett Timberlake security. . 

July 6, 1791. — Maddox X Stanley to Jno. Anderson, Taylor's 
Creek, Hanover, negroes & cattle. 

July 6, 1791. — Maddox X Stanley to Jno. Anderson 50 a. on 
Cedar Creel:, adj. Thos. Stanley, Sr., Peter Fitzgerald, 
Uttleberry Stanley, Sam 1 Harris, Thos. Stanley.- 

Aug. 7, 1776. — Maddox Stanley to his son Jno. Stanley 106 a. 

(same was to him by Alice cfc Ed. Power Oct. 6, 1768.) 

Witness Chas. Crenshaw, Joshua Stanley & Thos. 

Oct 4, 1786. — Thos Stanley, of Hanover^-frees negro "Oliver/* 
Nov. 17, 1788. — Maddox X Stanley to his son Obediah Stanley 

20 a. adj. Littleberry Stanley — Cedar Creek. 

Dec. 14, 1788. — Obediah X Stanley & Susan, his wife, to Samuel 
Maddox Stanley, Thos. Stanley, Jno. Stanley. 

Aug". 29, 1790. — Thos. Stanley & Unity, his wife, of Hanover, 
to Jno. Harris & Rachel his wife Y2 a. ajd. said Harris 
on Cedar Creek, bought for the purpose of raising Mill 
Pond Dam. ^_ 

Mar. 3, I785. — Joseph Starke to Jno. Starke 150 a. Begin at the 
church gate near the road & running to the middle gate 
crossing creek to Pates, to Tinsley — Witness Jno 
Starke, & Richard Starke. 

William and Mary Quarterly 25 

1785. — Jno. Starke, Jr. & Elizabeth, hrs wife, to Jno. Burnett 80 
a. S. side main road, Muggot Talley to Matedequin 

Sept. I, 1789. — Jno. Starke & Elizabeth, his wife, to Jno. Austin 
25 a. on Beaver Dam (part of homestead.) Begin on 
Beaver Dam below Benj. Oliver's Mill to Hezekiah 
Bowles, to said Jno. Austin. Witness Richard Starke, 
Susan Starke, Abner Hundley Austin. 

Jan. 5, 1790. — Jno Starke, Jr. & Elizabeth, his wife, to his son 
Thos. Starke, St Paul, the same bought by s'd Jno. 
Starke from John Parke Custis, being in the North 
fork of Beaver Dam. Witness Rich' 1 Starke — Susan 
Starke, Abner Austin. 

Mar. 31, 1787. — Jno. Starke & Eliz b , his wife, to Jesse Tate — a 
part of 283 a. wh. said Starke bought of Rich d Richard- 
son, "Mill Road down to Madequin Creek, near David 
Richardson's Mill. 

May 2, 1790. — Jno. Starke & Elizabeth Greyer (marriage con- 

Oct. 5, 1790. — Jno. Starke, of St Paul, Hanover, & Elizabeth to 
Nathan Gipson 122 a. (the same bought of Jno Starke 
Jr. of Richard Richardson) adj. Pole Green's old field, 
then down the Mill water to head of Matedequinn 
creek. Witness Thos. Starke, Jno. Starke, Lucy Starke. 

Sept 2, 1790. — Jno. Starke, the elder, of St. Paul, Hanover, to 
his son Joseph Starke 260 a. on Mechump's adj. Henry 
Watkins, W m Cocke, Thos. Wingfield, Jno. Wingfield, 
Jeremiah Pates, Nathan Tinsley. 

Dec. 5, 1789. — Jno. Street, of St Paul, Hanover, to Nathan 
Thompson 33 1/3 on main road adj. Jno. McDougall's. 
Witness Reuben Blackwell, Jno. Garland, Jno. Kilby. 

July 26, 1787. — Mrs. Eleanor Stuart, late wife of Jno. Parke 
Custis, relinquishes dower in land sold by Jno. Parke 
Custis on 3 Dec. 1798 to Jno. Starke, Jr. She is 'ex- 

26 William and Mary Quarterly 

amined apart from her late husband by Robert Hooe & 
Jno. Fitzgerald, Justices of Fairfax Co. (Note: It 
looks as if she were divorced.) 

Sept I, 1790.— \V n Stewart, of Sussex, to W m Thompson & 
Frances, his wife, 100 a., adj. Christopher Smith, Robt. 
Morris — Fox & W m Thompson. 

June 22, 1790. — Rich d Stewart, Sr., of Albemarle Parish, Sussex 
Co., to Thos. Macon, of Hanover, 161 a. In Blackweil's 
neck of Pamunkey — on Pamunkey River, adj. Robt. 
King, on King's Ferry road, Mr. Macon. 

July 5, 1792 — Alex' X Stewart & Agnes his wife, of St Paul's 
Parish, Hanover, to Mary Mills 200 a., adj. Benj. An- 
derson, Jos. Penick on Watts Swamp, Elkanah Baughan, 
James Wicker (being same said Alevander Stewart 
bought of James Lyle.) 

June 20, 1789. — W T|n Sydnor & Betty his wife, Amey Sydnor, 
Fortunatus Sydnor, Anthony Sydnor, Robert Sydnor, 
ex tort of Robert Sydnor dec d , of St Martin, to W m 
Wingfield 56^4 a. side Cedar Creek, adj. Thomas Cren- 
shaw, W m Austin, Mr. Qough's Mill. 

Feb. 4, 1791. — Robt Sydnor & Lucy, his wife, to James Harris 
400 a. (being same sold by James Harris to Jno. Taylor 
& by him to Robert Sydnor Jan. 11, 1791, adj. Ambrose 
Lipscomb, Peter Winston dec d , Mrs. Clarke, Henry 
Priddy & Mrs. King.) 

Jan. 5, 1702. — Robt Sydnor & Lucy, his wife, to Richard Little- 
page 200 a. on Stag creek, adj. Stephen Hanes, W m 
Hendrick & W m Lumpkin (being same land said Sydnor 
bought of Reuben Puryear & conveyed by him to John 
Meed Jan. 1, 1789.) 

Mar. 15, 1788. — Col. John Syme app'ts John Warden his att'y. 

Nov. 28, 1789. — John Syme, of Hanover, to Rob 1 Stuart, sur- 
viving ex tor of his Father. Thos. Stuart of Augusta 
Co: Whereas Jno. Henry, late of Hanover Co., sold 

William and Mary Quarterly 27 

John Syme 2000 a. on Tye River on account of a mort- 
gage July 5, 1764 & said Henry has since sold the said 
Stuart 528 a. &c. 

Aug. 18, 1790. — John Syme, of St. Martin's, & Sarah, his wife, 
to John Warden of King William, atty at law : ''Where- 
as Adams Hoops late of the Falls, county of Bucks, 
Pennsylvania, Father of said Sarah Syme &c." 

May 21, 1791. — John Syme to W m Duvall, trustee; whereas said 
John Syme owes Jas. Hamsley £ 1000, David Hoops 
" £200 lbs, the late Rich d Johnson for Capt. Jno. Syme 
£900 lbs, the late Thos Meux £500 lbs, Preson Bow- 
doin, Jr. £200, Elisha Hall assignee of W m Haxham 
£250., Jno. Royall for Capt. John Syme 10 hogshead 
tobacco, Hickman's estate, Burwell estate &c. 

Jan. 21, 1784. — Thos. Clarke & Nathan Tally, inspectors at ware- 

May 6, 1784. — Charles Talley Jr. & Sarah X, his wife, of St 
Paul Parish, to Ann Talley 42 a. South side Motedequin 
Creek (it being the same land said Charles Talley, Jr. 
received by the will of his Father Charles Talley dec d ) 
adj. Bartelot Talley, W m Johnson, Gideon Hill, James 
Talley, Samuel Fox, on Modequin creek & Pancake 

Nov. 4, 1784. — David Talley Jr. & Frances, his wife, to Bartelot 
Talley 100 a. North side Modequin (being same said 
David Talley received by will of Dudley Talley; adj. 
W m Johnson, Man' Anderson & Thos. Jordan.) 

Apr. 7, 1785. — Nathaniel Talley, with Benj. Toles security, col- 
lect taxes. 

Oct. 6, 1785.— Nathaniel Talley, of St Paul, to Nathaniel Talley 
of aforesaid Parish 10 a. in St. Paul Parish on Stoney 
Branch & Totopotomoy creek, adj. Nathan 1 Talley & 
Nathan Tally. 

Mar. 30, 1787.— Nicholas X Talley to his sons Charles & Dibdal 
& his daughters Judith & Alice his homestead &c. 

2S William and Mary Quarterly 

Sept. 6, 1787. — Nathan Talley to Nathaniel Talley 260 a. in St. 
Paul, on Totopotomoy creek & Stoney branch. 

Sept. 5, 1787.— Nathan Talley of St Paul to Billy Talley 40 a., 
being a part of a larger tract which descended to said 
Nathan Talley from his Father Jno. Talley the eider, 
dec d on Ponny branch & Totopotomy creek. 

Oct. 6, 1 791. — Nathan 1 Talley & Ambrose Lipscomb inspectors 

>of tobacco at Pages warehouse; securities W. O. Win- 
ston & Benj. Toler. 

Oct 5, 1791. — Nathaniel Talley of Halifax Co. & Sarah, his wife, 

to Pitman Kidd, of Hanover Co., 130 a. being the same 

land given Nathaniel Talley by his Father, adj. Joshua 

Acree dec d , Nathan Whitlock, John Chapel, \Y m Thur- 

. man dec 4 & Richard Jones. 

June 23, 1784. — Francis Tate of Beaufort District, South Caro- 
lina, & Martha, his wife, to David Richardson 112 a. 
in St Paul, adj. Col. Starke on the head of matidyquin 

Sept. 1, 1791. — W m Tate, of Louisa ^o., & Peggy, his wife, to 
John Tate of Hanover 112 a. in St. Paul, adj. Gibson, 
head of Matidyquin Creek, also another tract which 
John Tate, dec d , bought of Nathan Tate dec d , Father 
of said W B Tate. 

Dec. 30, 1 79 1. — Jesse Tate to Isaac Burnett 80 a. on road from 
New Castle to Richmond, on mill pond adj. Stannup 

Apr. 19, 1786. — Jno. Taylor & Frances, his wife, to James Harris 
of Henrico. 

Jan. 11, 1791. — Jno. Taylor & Frances, his wife, to Robert 

Sydnor (where said John Taylor now lives but formerly 

the land of Jno. Grymes) adj. Ambrose JLipscomb, Peter 

- Winston dec d , Mrs. Clarkt, Henry Priddy, Mrs. King. 

Nov. 6, 1783.— W° Terrell & Jno. Wingfield to Benj. Oliver- 
bond. ^*~*~~ 

William and Mary Quarterly 29 

Nov. 6, 1783.— W^Terrell & John Wingfield to Benj. Oliver: 
whereas said John Wingfield has sold to Benj. Oliver 
370 a. in St. Paul Parish, which he bought of W m 

Nov. 6, 1783. — Whereas Timothy Terrell & Eliza his wife did 
by deed in 1774 sell to Geo. Brackinridge 130 a. — Eliza- 
beth examined &c. 

May 31, 1787.— W m Terrel, of St. Martin Parish, & Judith X 
his wife to George Brackinridge 30 a. in St. Martin 
Parish, adj. land of said George Brackinridge & Timothy 
Terrell (a part of greater tract which said W m Terrell 

Apr. 5, 1785. — Echo X Thacker & Mary Thacker, his wife, of 
St. Paul, to W m Elmore 100 a. on waters of Stoney run, 
adj. Benj. Bowles, Jas. Bagley, Lucy Thacker, W m 
Jones & Jno Mansfield. 

Oct. 2, 1786.— Paul Thilman dec d , by Paul WooHolk his ex tor , 
to Jno Penny of Hanover, on Winston's road opposite to 
Capt. Thomas White, Tinsley. 

June 21, 1786.— John Thilman of Va. & Robt. Keeling & Robt. 
Burton & Agatha his wife of Granville Co., N. C. to 
David Dejarnette of Middlesex Co. 36 a. called Fall 
Point, in North Fork of Pamunkey, adj. Thos. Nelson. 

July 7, 1789. — Paul Thilman, of Hanover, to Paul Woolfolk, of 
Caroline Co. ( for amount due him the said Woolfolk as 
adm tor of W m Dudley dec 4 ) — negroes. 

Dec. 18, 1790. — Jno Thilman to Paul Thilman & Mary, his wife, 
(for the love said Jno Thilman has for Paul Thilman 
& his wife & their children — negroes.) 

Aug. 5, 1784. — Nelson Thomson, of Louisa Co., to Abraham 
Fontaine of Hanover 13 a. mouth of South Fork of 
Licking Hole Creek. 

Au g- 5> 1784.— Ditto to Reuben Waddy 263 a., adj. David 
Thompson, Nelson Thompson, The Glebe, Abraham 
Fontaine & David Anderson. 

30 William and Mary Quarterly 

Aug. 5, 1784. — Ditto to David Thomson, of Hanover, land adj. 
Mr. Barrett, on South Fork of Licking Hole Creek. 

Dec. 26, 1786. — Anderson Thompson, David Thompson, Waddy 
Thompson, Jr. Sarah Thompson & Elizabeth Thompson 
app't Nelson Thompson of Albemarle Co. their att'y con- 
cerning estate Nelson Anderson Jr., dec d . 

Sept. 6, 1787. — W m Thompson, of St. Martin, to his (son?) -in- 
law Rich* 1 Anderson of Louisa — a negro girl. 

Nov. 16, 1787. — W m Thompson, the elder, of Hanover, to his 
son Edmund Thompson 250 a. adj. Gen 1 Nelson, Chas. 
Hopkins, Nelson Thomson & the Glebe. 

June 5, 1788. — W m Thomson, the elder of Hanover, to his son 
Rich d Thomson 95 a., adj. Chas. Hopkins, Martin Baker, 
Nicholas Mills, the Glebe land. 

Apr. 14, 1 791.— W m Thompson & Susan, his wife, of St. Paul 
Parish^ to David Wade, of Botetourt Co. 35 a. adj. 
Solomon Wash, David Wade, Elizb. Hooper, W m Payne 
& John Farrow. 

Nov. 7, 1785. — \V m Thornton, of Hanover, to Benj. Lewis, of 
Richmond City, 400 a. on Totopotomoy Creek, adj. Tim- 
berlake's Mill pond, Sam 1 Gist, John Tinsley. 

Nov. 12, 1784. — Charles X Therman & Elizabeth X Thurman, 
of New Kent, to Nathan Thurman, of Goochland Co. 
150 a., signed, Elizabeth Thurman, Chas. Thurman. 

Nov. 1, 1788. — John Thurmand & Judith his wife to Thos. Hogg, 
alias Boze 63 a. in St. Paul Parish, adj. Nathaniel 
Smith, John MackGhee, & Andrew Thurmand. 

Oct. 6, 1785.— Philip Tinsley & Judith, his wife, to Samuel Cross 
(both of Hanover) 100 a. on the fork of Crump's Creek 
& hors^ branch, adj. John Tinsley. 

June 7, 1787.— Philip Tinsley & Judith, his wife, to Sam 1 Cross 
117^4 a. in St. Paul on Crump's Creek. Begin on 
Horse branch in John Russell to Crump's creek down the 
same to Peter Lyons, to John Tinsley, Cross. 
{To be Continued) 

William and Mary Quarterly 31 


See Quarterly XIV., 193-21 1, 215 ; XX., 69-101 ; XXL, 224-232 ; 
XXII., 258-262. 

British Violation of International Law 

June 6, 1864. — Large shipments of troops have recently been 
sent from it (Grant's army) down James River. From various 
indications, it was understood at Petersburg that the Yankee 
army had been greatly reduced in numbers. ! Persons who have 
lately escaped from the country occupied by the Yankees in the 
rear of Grant's army report :that there are numerous stragglers 
& deserters scattered throughout. Foraging parties of the enemy 
were destroying such crops as had been harvested. The same 
process of destruction was reported from Curls Neck, & the 
neighboring lands. There will be no pains or crimes spared to 
destroy all the supplies of food yet left to our people . . . 

Gen. Adam R. Johnson, the brave and able commander of 
our few troops in S. W. Kenutcky, has died, from a wound re- 
ceived in battle some time before. 

The case of the former C. S. steamer, Georgia, sold to a 
British subject, & subsequently captured by a Yankee vessel, 
may be considered as already settled. The British government 
has notified the English purchaser, that it will take no step to 
support his claim & that he must look for justice solely to the 
U. S. prize court. The decisions of this court, it may be con- 
fidently predicted, will be in favor of the U. S. government — 
that is, for the legality of the capture, & adverse to the rights 
of the British purchaser. Thus, the British ministry, by holding 
back from the controversy, & yielding the issue to the decision of 
a partial & interested Yankee court, effects two objects : it fur- 
thers the punishment of the British merchant for indirectly though 
legally aiding the hated C. S., in buying from their agent a 
useless vessel — & by preventing such sales, aids the hostile means 

y2 William and Mary Quarterly 

of the favored Yankee government. During this war, many 
more than iooo Yankee vessels (to avoid the risk of capture by 
C. S. cruisers,) have been sold to British purchasers (whether 
honestly or fraudulently,) & are now navigating the ocean under 
British papers, & as British property. All such have been re- 
spected as British property, when boarded & their papers exam- 
ined by our cruisers, & many have been thus discharged, & all 
have owed their exception from dozens of capture to their hav- 
ing been sold to neutral owners. Now all these sales, when made 
bona fide, were cases similar to the sale of the Georgia. And 
probably, hundreds were fraudulent & pretended sales, designed 
merely to cover & protect Yankee ships from capture. It is 
stated in our papers, that hereafter, or as soon as this case shall 
be decided in favor of the legality of the capture of the Georgia, 
that our cruisers will make prizes of, & destroy every captured 
vessel thus transferred by sale, during this war, from a Yankee 
to a British owner. This will be both just & effective retaliation 
for the partial, unjust, & hostile action of the British govern- 
ment in regard to the Georgia, &, further, would place that gov- 
ernment in a position of peculiar & great difficulty, in its seek- 
ing redress, if deeming such capture illegal. For, as a con- 
sequence of not in any way recognizing the separate nationality 
of the C. S., ignoring their existence as a political power, & 
deeming their citizens as still belonging to the U. S., the owners 
of such captured vessels, or their government, if then choosing 
to act, could only seek redress from the Yankee government, 
for alleged depredations committed by the subjects of that gov- 
ernment, though called in universal speech, excepting of the 
British government & Yankeedom, the people, cruisers, & auth- 
orities of the Confederate States. It will be a curious difficulty, 
if some twenty or thirty of such ships (formerly Yankee & sold 
to British owners, & a large proportion of them fraudulently, 
so as to be still really though concealed Yankee property,) should 
be taken & burnt by Yankee cruisers, (as instructed by the ex- 
pected opinion & decree of the Yankee prize court,) & the British 
owners, or their government, if then driven to act, -seeking redress 
& compensation from the Yankee government. 

William and Mary Quarterly 33 

Thomas H. Benton. 

Sept 30 th . Friday. Finished reading a part, & merely glanc- 
ing over or skipping much more of Benton's big book — the first 
volume only of his intended work. As was to be expected, from 
the character & immeasurable vanity of the author, it is a huge 
monument of self-eulogy. Benton was an able man — & a great 
scoundrel, both in public & still more in private life. The cer- 
tain fact of his having stolen money, & by means of a false key, 
when 19 years old, & a student at the University of N. O though 
perhaps his only felonious act, (in law,) was by no means his 
most dishonest or immoral act. Though laden throughout his 
adult life by the whispered but widely spread accusation of his 
"youthful indiscretion," (as termed by his apologists) he was 
able to stand up against the scorn of virtuous men & to hold, for 
thirty years the high position of U. S. Senator of a State — & 
even was talked of as a candidate for the Presidency of the 
United States — to the disgrace of popular election & republican 
institutions ... 

Lincoln's War Policy. 


Sept 13, 1864. [On page 229, Vol. XXI. of the Quarterly, 
are published under the date Sept. 13, 1864, some comments by 
Mr. Ruffin in his Diary on Mr. Lincoln's policy of enlisting 
negro troops, refusing to exchange prisoners, requiring the oath 
of allegiance of all persons in occupied districts, devastating the 
country, burning towns and cities and driving away the in- 
habitants as at Atlanta. The Democratic party of the North 
were opposed to these methods and especially to enlisting negroes 
as troops. A newspaper clipping appended and pasted in the 
Diary gives an interview with Lincoln by John T. Mills, Judge of 
the Fifth Judicial Circuit Court of Wisconsin. This interview 
was first published in the Grant Co. (Wisconsin) Herald, and 
Judge Mills quoted the President as saying:] - . 

"Sir," said the President, "the slightest knowledge of arith- 
metic will prove to any man that the rebel armies cannot be de- 
stroyed by Democratic strategy. It would sacrifice all the white 

34 William and Mary. Quarterly 

men of the North to do it. There are now in the service of the 
United States near 200,000 able bodied colored men, most of them 
under arms, defending and acquiring Union territory. The 
Democratic strategy demands that these forces be disbanded, and 
that the masters be conciliated by restoring them to slavery. 
The black men who now assist Union prisoners to escape, they 
are to be converted into our enemies in the vain hope of gaining 
the good will of their masters. We shall have to fight two nations 
I instead of one. 

You cannot conciliate the South if you guaranty to them 
ultimate success; and the experience of the present war proves 
their success is inevitable, if you fling the compulsory labor of 
millions of black men into their side of the scale. Will you give 
our enemies such military advantages as insure success, and then- 
depend on coaxing, flattery and concession to get them back into 
the Union ? Abandon all the posts now garrisoned by black men, 
take two hundred thousand men from our side and put them in 
the battlefield or corn field against us, and we would be com- 
pelled to abandon the war in three weeks. 

"We have to hold the territory in inclement and sickly places ; 
where are the Democrats to do this? It was a free fight, and 
the field was open to the War Democrats to put down this rebel- 
lion by fighting against both master and slave long before the 
present policy was inaugurated. ****** 
My enemies pretend I am now carrying on this war for the sole 
purpose of abolition. So long as I am President it shall be car- 
ried on for the sole purpose of restoring the Union. But no 
human power can subdue this rebellion without the use of the 
emancipation policy, and every other policy calculated to weaken 
the moral and physical forces of the rebellion. Freedom has 
given us two hundred thousand men raised on Southern soil. It 
will give us more yet." 

The Federals in Kentucky. 

Sept 21, 1864. The Yankee Gen. Paine, with a competent 
force, has been posted in Southwestern Ky., & is, with a high 
hand, regulating that disaffected & lately much disturbed section. 

V ~ Y 

William and Mary QuarterlV ^ 35 

His measures, set forth in published general orders & declara- 
tions, amount to the deprivation of every civil right, & all rights 
of property, of every person who does not establish his "loyalty," 
or entire support of Lincoln's government & rule. No other 
person can collect a debt, draw his deposits from bank, or have 
any legal aid to transact business of any kind, or to the slightest 
extent. All debtors of the persons, not proved "loyal" are pro- 
hibited paying to them any dues for rents, purchases, loans &c, 
but required to pay to the army quartermaster the funds thus 
confiscated. Of course, the policy amounts to the confiscation 
of the money, credits, future earnings & possible profits, of the 
labor, business & time, of every disaffected or "disloyal" resident. 
Besides, every able male slave, (as the before established pro- 
cedure,) is taken from his owner, without choice or compensa- 
tion, & put into the Yankee army. These measures are declared 
in a publication addressed more especially to the great body of 
the richer & better class of that district, who are assumed to be 
generally "disloyal." And speaking to these, Gen. Paine adds 
the declaration of his designed & general policy of restraining 
the guerillas, of which that region had been full, as follows: u l 
shall shoof every guerilla taken in my district, & if your Southern 
brethren retaliate by shooting a Federal soldier, I will walk out 
five of your rich bankers, brokers, & cotton men, & make you 
kneel down & shoot you. I will do it, so help me God !" When 
it is considered that this rule declared of Paine's actual & pros- 
pective government (Appended ante) follows the general seizing 
& confiscation of all negroes fit for" military service throughout 
the State — & as many others as choose to go to Yankee protec- 
tion — & the settling every election in the State by Yankee sol- 
diers keeping from the polls all "disaffected" or "disloyal" voters, 
& so by allowing only thorough "loyal" men to vote, secured 
every where the election of Lincoln "representatives" for the 
State, & for the most "disaffected" counties — it will be manifest 
that no people, professing to be free have ever been more de- 
graded & trodden upon, than the Kentuckians. If they are not 
driven to revolt by these last measures, they must be much more 
mean-spirited than all former experience had indicated. 

Molly and Mary Bell. 

Oct 29, 1864. Two young women, Molly & Mary Bell, cousins, 
from Southewestern Virginia, two years ago, disguised in male 
attire enlisted as soldiers and acted as such unsuspected by other 
persons, until a few days past. One of them had been promoted 
and served as sergeant, and the other as corporal. When their 
sex was detected they were serving in Gen. Early's army and 
they were sent on to Richmond and are detained in Castle 
Thunder, until arrangements can be made for their welfare. They 
ought to have been permitted to remain as soldiers (if preferring 
it), as they were doubtless good soldiers, as they had served for 
two years, arid also acted within propriety, so as to remain un- 
suspected as women. I see no objection to their continuing in 
military service. It would certainly be wrong to receive new 
soldiers of the female sex, if known, or to permit the contin- 
uance in the army if their sex was detected before they had 
established character for good conduct. But while distrusting 
and discountenancing such attempts as have been made by many 
romantic girls, whether induced by love or patriotism and of 
whom very few would prove equal to the task undertaken, I 
would be glad if we had regiments of brave women embodied as 
soldiers, fit compeers for the heroines Mary & Molly Bell. 

Capture of the "Florida/' 

Nov. 29, 1864. The Brazilian government acted with vigor 
in regard to the capture of the Florida. The exequatur of the 
U. S. Consul at Bahia was revoked, all friendly intercourse with 
the U. S. cut off, & the Wachusetts forbidden to enter any 
Brazilian port. The principal courts of Europe, also, have sent 
such strong protests against this violation of the law of nations, 
that Lincoln's government is alarmed, & has manifested clear 
indication that it will back down as it did in the case of the Trent, 
& in the same manner. For it is as clear, as it was in that case, 
that the Lincoln administration approved the outrage, & fully 
intended to sustain it. If otherwise, it would have hastened to 
disclaim the act as soon as it was heard of, & to announce the 
intention of redressing the wrong. But not a word of disap- 

William and Mary Quarterly 37 

probation was heard from the government, & the Yankee papers 
& people were unanimous in rejoicing at & glorifying the cap- 
ture, the Florida was received as a prize, & the men captured 
therein were confined as prisoners of war. And it was not until 
the universal outcry of shame & detestation was heard from 
Europe, & the diplomatic protests of the governments of Europe 
& Brazil that Lincoln's government thought of adding the mean- 
ness of backing down to the previous atrocity of the outrage. 
. . . It is understood that a reward of $500,000 had been of- 
fered by the Chamber of Commerce of N. Y. for the capture of 
the Florida — which was the chief incentive of the infamous 
treachery of the Yankee officers. 

Federal Enlistments and Devastation 

Oct. 11, 1864. On 7 th gold in New York advanced to 205 J /i 
(for 100,) "but subsequently under the influence of official intelli- 
gence from the armies," fell to 199, & closed at 202 j/2. — Yankee 
Reports from Chattanooga claim a complete victory gained over 
the rebels at Alatoona (between Rome & Marietta, — that Forrest's 
train had been captured, & his forces were falling back, & about 
to be "cornered." This needs confirmation — & until that is re- 
ceived, the particulars need not be noted. Yankee official advices, 
to St. Louis, say that Price's main army attempted to cross the 
Osage river on 6 th , but was prevented by forces stationed on the 
opposite side — that a desperate fight ensued, (across the river?) 
of which the result had not been learned. Price had burnt the 
bridge across the Gasconade & another report says also that R. R. 
bridge across the Osage" Gen. Ewing (Yankee,) had made good 
his retreat to Rolla, "losing only a few stragglers & the killed 
& wounded by the way." 

Appended are two recently published articles showing the 
manner in which ignorant foreigners in Europe are deluded & 
cheated by the false & swindling offers of the agents of the State 
of Massachusetts. These poor creatures are offered in printed 
hand-bills, three years employment with an outfit of $ioo., $12. a 
month wages.with food & clothing. They believe they are engaging 
for work. & do not know until thev are landed in Bo-ton, that in 

$8 William and Mary Quarterly 

signing the contracts (as they suppose,) in English, of which 
they cannot read a word, they have enlisted for three years to 
fight for Lincoln. What soldiers must be made by such acts, 
& of such material? The Yankee commanders have been pub- 
lishing, & circulating in our armies invitations to our soldiers to 
desert to them, promising that they shall be sent to the North, 
& left free from military service. Our government has met this 
by publishing a general order, (No. 65.) appended p. 18.) ad- 
dressed especially to deluded & kidnapped foreigners, but offer- 
ing to- all deserters from the enemy protection & support until they 
can be forwarded to "convenient points qn. the border." Many 
have come in under this order, (which, printed in English & 
German, has been sent into the enemy's camps,) & two parties, 
each of more than 200, have been sent away to such points as they 
chose, but which are not published. Most of these deserters are 
newly arrived Germans, ignorant & simple, who had barely landed 
in N. Y. before they were dragged & crimped into the Yankee 
army. Such men cannot have acquired any love for Yankee 
people or opinions & by choosing to remain in the C, S. & acquire 
domicils, as laborers, they would be harmless if not useful addi- 
tions to our population. 

Grant has issued & published orders, which Sheridan is exe- 
cuting, to do for all the accessible lands in the Valley, what was 
as faithfully & much more generally done for our tide-water 
region, without the publicity, & formality of general orders — 
that is, to plunder & destroy everything that can aid in furnish- 
ing food to man or beast, to burn the mills, break the implements 
of agriculture, steal the slaves & stock, & lay waste & unpro- 
ductive, the whole country (Appended.) Would that our govern- 
ment had the boldness & vigor which would be useful (even at 
this late time) to order the shooting and hanging of all officers 
captured of these marauding and destroying forces and all pri- 
vates belonging to bodies that had engaged actually in such ser- 
vices! Thus treating them not as soldiers nor even as Yankee 
invaders, but as robbers, house burners, destroyers and mur- 

William and Majry Quarterly 39 

Lincoln's Proclamation of Confiscation. 

April 27 th 1865. Thursday. Reported that Gen Halleck has 
assumed civil command of Richmond, & I suppose of the state, or 
this portion of it — & that his rule is very harsh . . . Instead 
of Lincoln having actually published a new & mild & conciliatory 
proclamation of general amnesty, as was urged & expected by 
his ablest supporters in the North & reported as published in 
Richmond, he has merely republished without the slightest mitiga- 
tion his proclamation of '63, enforcing the confiscation, execution, 
& emancipation enactments of Congress, & offering to each rebel 
state & person pardon on the condition of complete submission — 
& the authority to one-tenth of the people of any state, (traitors 
& Yankee immigrants, of course,) to re-establish a state govern- 
ment, & be represented (as the State,) in Congress. This of- 
fered benefit will be more intolerable than all other undisguised 
measures of oppression & tyranny. 

Assassination of Lincoln. 

April 19, 1865. More than a page of small print of the 
Herald is filled with notices and abstracts from the various ser- 
mons and church services in N. Y. all on the subject of Lincoln's 
death. I felt no curiosity to read any — but accidentally my eye 
was caught by a name in Dr. Chapin's sermon : "There is noth- 
ing so base as the work of the assassin. . . . when a man 
comes sneaking behind your back to destroy your life. There is 
something meaner in the act than I can find language to express. 
I will not say that this is the spirit of all the people of the South. 
(How mild & moderate!) but I may say — without being mis- 
understood that the spirit which actuated the assassination of 
Abraham Lincoln, is the same spirit which fired on Fort Sumter 
(Loud Applause)." - When the reverend clergy from the pulpits, 
& in the professed acts of the worship of God, thus charge the 
southern people with the assassination of Lincoln, & so urge the 
Yankee people to increased hatred & vengeance, it is not sur- 
prising that the like disposition should be displayed by the mob. 
I for one — & as I suppose not in this respect in a majority of the 
people of C. S. — approve & rejoice at the slaying of these instiga- 

40 William and Mary Quarterly 

tors, permitters, & encouragers of the assassins, & robbers, & 
house burners, & destroyers of the property of millions of south- 
ern victims. But the act was committeed in Yankeedom on Lin- 
coln, & by a man of northern birth & residence & whom there is 
no allegation that he had held any intercourse with the South. 
Whether his act was the hight of atrocity & villiany, or otherwise, 
nothing can be more senseless than to charge it on southern seces- 
sionists, I have barely glanced over a few more of the notices 
of these many sermons — all delivered on Easter Sunday, within 
less than three days of the assassination — and was soon utterly 
disgusted by the servile sycophany, the man-worship of a low- 
bred, vulgar & illiterate buffoon, & the near approach to blas- 
phemy, of these holy flatterers. Of course, they make Lincoln 
"a martyr." That was to be expected. Dr. Vinton, in Trinity 
Church, uses the coincidence of the occurrences on Good Friday, 
to compare the crucifixion of Jesus with the slaying of Lincoln. 
In questioning the causes of the "permission of Jesus Christ" 
for this crime, the preacher said — "When we saw the one man 
(Lincoln) like Saul, a head and shoulders taller than the rest, 
our disposition for hero worship might have led us to give him 
more honor than belonged to providential man, & a jealous God 
had removed him from us to show that the Lord Jesus alone was 
our President, our King, our Savior." Another cause suggested 
(in somewhat covert but plain & rough phrase,) that Lincoln had 
erred by his too great mercy and indulgence to the rebels, as Saul 
had in sparing the life of Agag — "which one great incident of the 
Bible (including the subsequent hewing to pieces by Samuel,) our 
judges should have before their eyes as an example.".. And after 
reciting the hewing to pieces of Agag, the preacher immediately 
thereto, '"In this spirit should the leaders of the rebellion be 
dealt with." . . . "It may be that President Lincoln was un- 
fitted, by the natural gentleness & humanity of his disposition, 
to execute the stern justice of Christ's vice-regent" & therefore, 
as may be inferred, he was removed to make way for Andrew 
Johnson, who, under the direction of the holy men of God, & 
instructions from the pulpit, (to say nothing of the additional 
stimulus of whiskey,) will be more ready to act the bloody part 
of Samuel upon the southern Agags. The Rev. Dr. Forbes is 

William and Mary Quarterly 41 

not satisfied, like others in proclaiming Lincoln a "martyr," but 
cites the authority of the Fathers for it. "If they examined the 
views of the early writers of the Christian Church, they would at 
once discover that M r Lincoln was worthy of the sacred term 
of "martyr." Another preacher pronounced A. L. to be the 
mature version of George Washington. "Another, that "Since 
the illustrious citizen who founded the government was taken 
from us, there has been none other like Abraham Lincoln." The 
Rev. D. Watson of the 3 rd Unitarian Church, after the usual 
out-pouring of sycophancy & adoration of Lincoln, delivers a 
eulogy upon the rising sun, Johnson," & an elaborate defence of 
his habits of sobriety, though admitting the unforunate excep- 
tion of his being drunk when inaugurated as Vice-President. Both 
Lincoln & Johnson were in Rd., after its occupation by the 
Yankee forces. The Union League in N. Y. (on Easter Sunday), 
in a most crowded meeting passed a series of resolutions charg- 
ing the assassination of Lincoln & of Seward upon the South — of 
which the following short extracts will show the spirit: these 
"crimes hardly possible in darkest ages of the past . . . are 
reproduced in the barbarism of the rebels, who, when their 
armies conquered in the field in fair combat, have been treated 
magnanimously by a generous people, have resorted to the bullet 
& the knife & "struck at these chiefs" &c, "that the blow thus 
fully struck at the nation should unite loyal citizens of every shade 
of party, as did the first shot fired at Sumter" &c . . . "that 
the rebellion & slavery, its cause, must be terminated by the 
strong hand of the law, without delay, hesitation or compromise." 
After adopting these resolutions, the meeting was addressed at 
length, & no doubt in the same spirit, by G. Bancroft, the 

Treatment of Prisoners. 

June 13 th , 1865. Tuesday. There are some lies which by 
being resolutely persisted in & often repeated, seem to acquire 
the appearance & character of truth. Of such, the strangest 
example known is the now general & loud outcry, & scarcely 
disputed fact as charged in the North, (there is no free press 

42 William and Mary Quarterly 

to deny it in the South.,) of the starving & otherwise maltreat- 
ing & torturing of Yankee soldiers when confined in the prisons 
of the.C. S. — & of which a full proportion is alleged as to the 
Libby & other prisons in & near Rd. Now I never heard of such 
charge in Rd., where it must have been known, if true, to hun- 
dreds besides the prisoners, & it could not have been concealed 
from many persons, inimical to the South, & who would have 
been rejoiced to prove the facts. There was no want of facilities 
•through the press, opposed to the administration to expose such 
iniquity. I fully believe that the Yankee prisoners were always 
fed as well as our own soldiers in the field, when these had full 
rations— & fully as well when from scarcity of supply but part 
of full rations were issued to our neighboring troops. It is true 
that. sometimes full supplies of provisions could not be obtained 
by any means — & our soldiers were often upon half or three- 
quarter allowance of rations. When this was the case, I presume, 
though I do not know that it was always done, the prisoners 
were put upon the same reduced allowance. This was just, as a 
general proposition. It could not be expected that our enemies, 
in prison & at rest, were to be better supplied with food than 
our own soldiers in actual service. Such should have been the 
case if 'no blame had attached to the Yankee government. But 
in fact, the want of provisions was caused, & designedly, by the 
barbarous & illegitimate mode of warfare carried on systematically 
by that government, in destroying crops, laying waste farms, 
destroying all agricultural implemeits & machines, stealing & kill- 
ing working animals, & carrying off slaves — burning mills & 
barns, & doing everything to destroy the food of the whole coun- 
try, & the future means of producing food. In addition — every 
railway route & means for transportation was destroyed, merely 
for the same object. And when these operations had produced 
general & great scarcity of food, & unexampled high prices, the 
general blockade by the enemy of all our ports shut out all for- 
eign supplies. But superadded to all these & mostly illegal & 
atrocious acts of warfare, was the fraudulent & perfidious refusal 
by the Yankee authorities to continue the exchange of prisoners 
according to the established cartel agreed upon — & that for two 
reasons; one was that many of their prisoners in our hands had 

William and Mary Quarterly 43 

already served their terms and as soon as exchanged, would re- 
turn to their posts & active service, while our soldiers in their 
prisons were enlisted for the war. (This infamous ground for a 
further violation of agreement for exchange, was stated by Gen. 
Sherman, in his letter to Gen. Hood.) The second & main rea- 
son for refusing exchange & thus to relieve the inevitable prison 
sufferings of their own soldiers in our prisons, was that the 
enemies expense of supporting them (twice or thrice as great as 
the expense to them in prisons in the North,) would go far to- 
wards breaking down our means to provide food, & support the 
war. And for these reasons, they perfidiously violated the solemn 
agreement first acted upon, & upon different pretences, all of which 
.were false, refused to exchange prisoners, until the numbers on 
either side had increased to some 50, to 60,000 men. Knowing 
the inevitable misery & murderous effect of long continued im- 
prisonment, & of deferred hopes of release, even with the kindest 
treatment — also having produced as well as knowing, the scarcity 
of provisions — the Yankee authorities coolly speculated, as a 
means of damaging their enemy, upon the misery, & the then 
falsely alleged cruel treatment & starvation of 50,000 of their 
own confined soldiers ! This charge, I insert in the most authori- 
tative form I have seen, in the first paragraph of the charge of 
Judge Underwood of the U. S. court, lately in session in Norfolk : 

"You will be compelled by your regard for your country, freedom 
and humanity to present for trial the authors and conductors of the most 
gigantic bloody and unprovoked crimes that ever cursed our world. You 
are to pass upon those who caused not only tens of thousands of deaths 
on the battle fields of (the rebellion, but the greater agonies and tortures 
of starvation in the Libby Prison, on Belle Island, at Salisbury and 
Andersonville. In comparison with which the cruelties of Spanish 
inquisitions, the massacres of St. Barthlomew, and of the French Revolu- 
tions, sink into insignificance. You are to review the conduct and motives 
of men whose lust of power and greed of gain are without a parallel ; 
whose thirst for notoriety, strangely desired and courted and finally 
acquired, the public gaze enly to sink them to disgrace and infamy. There 
has been nothing so terrible since the Crucifixion as this conspiracy against 
the mildest and best government the human race has ever known — against 
liberty and humanity, and in the interest of slavery and despotic power— 
until it has culminated in an assassination which has shaken all Chris- 
tendom with horror and abhorrence." 

44 William and Mabv Quarterly 

It Is only with the charges of cruelty to prisoners that I have 
any concern — though I present the whole paragraph as a sample 
of the whole charge of the judge. Now if such charges were as 
true as they were false, they were known (by their own reports 
from 15 to 18 months before they consented to renew the ex- 
change, & the stipulations of the cartel which they had falsely 
& perfidiously broken. During that long time, the Yankee authori- 
ties knowing (as they pretended to believe) that Trom 20,000 
(to 50,000 of their soldiers (as continually increasing by new 
captures,) were suffering & dying in prison by starvation & other 
cruel treatment, & yet persisted, by a base violation of plighted 
faith & of a fair contract, in leaving them to suffer, & perish 
under such horrible treatment! On the other hand, the charges 
so falsely brought against our prison treatment & policy were 
fully true as to the Yankee prisons, in all the latter part of the 
war, without the excuse for us, of the impossibility of obtaining 
full supplies of food, & of paying enormous prices for ail ob- 
tained, the Yankee prisons, in the northern states could be sup- 
plied plentifully* & at moderate prices. Yet from all that I have 
heard from respectable gentlemen who, as private soldiers, were 
prisoners, the food was always deficient in quantity & in quality. 
Among thse informants was my grandson Thomas Ruffin, who 
was 8 months in northern prisons, & most of the time in the 
large establishmet at Point Lookout. He could not tell, as he did 
not know, the quantity of food -given each man per day. But it 
consisted of a few crackers, or cakes of "hard tack," & a piece 
of meat of about half the size of a man's hand — all, uninviting as 
was the quality was not more than half as much as the men 
would have eaten, if more had been at their command. They were 
always hungry. But there was much more of other kinds of 
cruelty. All offences against rules, & even of the most trifling 
description were punished most severely, by torture. For exam- 
ple: a highly respectable gentleman stated of himself, that, under 
the constant suffering of hunger, he had attempted, by trick, to 
draw, a second allowance for a meal, after having received one. 
Of course the offense ought to have been punished. But he was 
punished (as any other would have been for an offence equally 
slight,) by being tied & suspended off the floor by his thumbs 

William i and Mary Quarterly 45 

until he fainted under the extreme pain. The guards were negro 
soldiers — & for any real or pretended disobedience of orders, they 
fired on the offender & men were frequently thus wounded or 
killed, & no investigation made of the facts, beyond the verbal 
statement of the soldier who killed or wounded the prisoner. 
His own statement in his justification was received as ample, & 
nothing would be heard in opposition from any prisoner, or 
was called for even from other guards. Yet, according to the 
loud sound & violence of the charges by the Yankees, & the little 
said on our side, (& now the whole Press is under their control,) 
it would seem, & I doubt not that it will so pass into history, 
& to posterity, that their treatment of our soldiers as prisoners 
was humane, & our's cruel in the extreme. When the Yankee 
army occupied Rd., they captured Turner, superintendent or chief- 
jailor of the Libby prison, & who, by virtue of his office, was 
deemed especially guilty of the cruelties falsely charged as prac- 
tised in that prison. No paper in Rd. even if disposed could have 
published what I shall report ■ without being immediately sup- 
pressed by military authority, the business broken up, & the 
publisher ruined. Therefore no notice of any such thing is to be 
expected. But it was the current verbal whispered report through 
Rd., that Turner had been chained to the floor in the prison (then 
under charge of Yankees,) & given one cracker (of "hard tack") 
& one glass of water only, each day, until he was (as designed,) 
starved to death. This end was supposed by his friends who 
know how he was kept & fed, & who could know what must be the 
result. But it was reported by his keepers that he had made his 
escape — which is altogether incredible considering the manner of 
his confinement, & the strong interest felt in his detention & pun- 
ishment. Probably the story has been exaggerated, & the true 
circumstances cannot be known, while all investigation & discus- 
sion are prohibited. I only report what a respectable gentleman 
stated what was generally reported & believed in Rd. 

46 William and Mary Quarterly 


(5V* Quarterly, XX I L, pp. 134, 158.) 

Letter from Surgeon Samuel Finley. 

I am my dear Jake, this very 2nd Day of July within twenty 
miles of Williamsburg sitting under a tree, enjoying the refresh- 
ments of cool breezes & comfortable eatables & drinkables after 
the severity of a twenty four hours March (which makes a day 
& a night) thus after taking a comfortable nap & finding my 
Heart at ease, & Captain Trotter about to sett off tomorrow 
morning for the Northward, & myself to sett off in a few hours 
up the Country to a M r Fosters near our Cousins Elisha & John, 
to attend Major Washington ; I say after all these considerations 
& inducements, I thought I might as well tell you as any person 
I know in the World, how matters are transacting in this part of 
the creation. 

After being sufficiently reen forced by the junction of the 
Pennsylvania Line, & meriads of Militia, under Generals Morgan, 
Lawson, Campbell & Stevens, the Marquis began a march more 
rapid, than I believe he ever retreated, drove the Enemy out of 
Richmond, & so on from Pillar to post untill he drove them into 
Williamsburgh, where they are at this present time of writing, — 
their position there is too strong to venture an attack without 
manifest hazard & as the Militia cannot be altogether so thor- 
oughly relied upon in. attacks of that nature, & the continental 
troops too few to achieve any great matters, — There was a skirm- 
ish a few days agoe, between Major McPhersons Corps & 
Simcoes 1 — There were some men killed, wounded & taken on 
both sides, as is usual in like cases — last night, or rather early 
this morning Colonel Tarlton & his Legion were put into a much 
greater hurry than I believe they ever were before — They were 
nearly surrounded by the Brigade commanded by General 
Muhlenburgh, and had it not been for the stupidity of the Guide, 
(who thro* ignorance or inattention led them through a field 
which discovered them),, the whole party almost to a man would 
have been killed or taken — I am obliged to break off abruptly, a3 

William »and Mary Quarterly 47 

Major Washington is now in the carriage waiting for me, but 
the next conveyance that offers shall be made use of to inform 
you of ever)' occurrence that transpires, of consequence suffi- 
cient to give you a detail of — 

Compliments to M™ & M r Coale — The good people over the 
river, & all the clever fellows of your acquaintance. 

God bless you 

Sam Finley 

When I romed over the Country I called to see Elisha. The 
Enemy had not done him a farthing of Damage — Mrs. Hall has 
been very unwell, but is getting better — Jack is as fat or rather 
fatter, than ever I saw him — the Dog is making a fortune, — 
let him he deserves one — 

(Addressed) "Doctor Jacob Hall Ju f 

Han'd by Deer Creek 

Cap* Trotter Hartford County 

To be left at Colonel Vanhorns at Bushtown" 

This letter is now in the possession of Mr. Richard Wilmot Hall, of 
New Orleans. Although undated as to the year, it was evidently written 
July 2, 1781. The writer, Sam Finley, was without question Dr. Samuel 
Finley (1748-1801), the son of the Rev. Samuel Finley, President of the 
College of New Jersey (afterwards Princeton College), and his wife Sarah 
Hall,* daughter of Joseph Hall, 2 of the Tacony family of Halls. The 
writer was, therefore, a first cousin of Dr. Jacob Hall, president of Cokes- 
bury College, Maryland, to whom the letter is addressed. Dr. Samuel 
Finley was born at Nottingham, Maryland, about 1743 and graduated as 
an A. B. from Princeton 1765. He served in the Revolution in the 
Fourteenth Massachusetts as surgeon from April 10, 1778, and in the 
Seventh Massachusetts from January 1, 1781, to June 1. 1783. He later 
practiced medicine in New York where he died in 1801. "Cousins Elisha 
and John" were Dr. Elisha Hall and Dr. John Hall, sons of Elisha and 
Ruth Hall previously referred to. The events referred to in the letter 
apparently cover the few months preceding the surrender of Cornwallis 
at Yorktown, October 19, 1781. 

48 William and Mary Quarterly 


(See Quarterly, XXII., p. 145.) 

Epitaph on a Tomb in the English Cemetery at Leghorn. 

Sacred to the Memory of 
The Rev. Thomas Hall 

Who for nearly 41 years filled the office 

And faithfully performed the functions 

Of Chaplain to the British Factory at Leghorn 

To the zealous discharge of his religious duties 

He added the best qualities of the heart 

And a characteristical firmness which at a 

Period of foreign invasion saved from destruction 

The Sanctuary where his ashes now repose 

He was born in Philadelphia the year 1750 

And died at Leghorn 12th April 1825 

Aged 74 Years 

Tnis Monument has been erected by the British Factory 

In token of Respect for his Memory 

And affectionate remembrance 

Of his Virtues. 

From the Minutes of the Board of Trustees of the University 
of Pennsylvania, July 2, 181 6: 

In the minutes of the Trustees of July 16, 1816, it is recorded 
"on motion resolved that this Board receive, with peculiar satis- 
faction the distinguished attention of the Rev. Thomas Hall of 
Leghorn, who being formerly a pupil of the College of Phila- 
delphia has presented to the Trustees of the University of Penn- 
sylvania a manuscript in the Greek language of the Acts of the 

William (And Mary Quarterly 49 

Apostles said to be written in the fourteenth century, & also 
an Egyptian infant mummy stated to be in high perfection. 
Bishop White was directed to acknowledge the same." 

[There is no reference in the minutes to the offer of a 
collection of medals.] 


Communicated by Mrs. E. F. Keeble, Nashville, Tennessee. 

Henry St. John Clark, born April 6, 1715. 
Sarah Clark, born April 15, 1718. 
William Clark born Dec. 26, 1722. 
Esther Clark, born Dec. 4, 1724. 
Priscilla Clark, born Sept. 2, 1731. 

William Clark of the above family married Rebecca. Their 
family : 

Elizabeth Clark, born Nov. 22, 1754. 
Joseph Clark, born June 5, 1756. 

Rebecca, mother of the above children, died Sept. 28, 1758. 

William Clark married Catherine McDowell. 
Rebecca Clark, born Sept. 1, 1762. 
William Clark, born July 2y, 1764. 
Isaac Clark, born Sept. 9, 1766. 

Catherine McDowell Clark died Sept. 25, 1766. 

William Clark was married to Mary Wells (third wife) 
Sept. 28, 1769. 
Ann Clark, born March 13, 1776. 

Mary Wells Clark died Nov. 21, 1776. 

William Clark, father of the above children, died May 30, 

William Clark, Jr., born July 2J, 1764/ Married Margaret 
Thrasher Oct. 13, 1785. 
Patsy Clark, born July 10, 1786. 
Nancy Clark, born April 7, 1789. 
Margaret Clark, born Nov. 20, 1791. 
Henry St. John Clark, born April 6, 1795. 

50 William and Mary Quarterly 

William Clark, born April 24, 1798. 
Jane Clark,* born Dec. 25, 1800. 

Margaret, the mother, died Aug. 16, 1802. 

William Clark married to Susan Graves July 15, 1803. 
Sarah Smith Clark, born Feb. 15, 1805. 
Joseph Tarpley Clark, born Jan. 31, 1807. 
Alfred Clark, born Oct. 23, 1808. 
Mary A. Clark, born April 18, 1810. 

Thomas Coke Clark ) , _ 

t-, . A . rt ■ 1 t born Dec - 2 7> l8l 3- 

Francis Asbury Clark j 

Susan McDowell Clark, born Feb. 5, 1816. 

Dorothy Martin Clark, born Feb. 26, 1818. 

Georgiana Adella Clark, born Oct. 20, 1820. 

Minerva Colinda Clark, born Aug. 7, 1822. 

Adrian Graves Clark, born May 17, 1825. 

Susan Graves Clark died June 14, 1825. 

William Clark married Margaret McKee( third wife) Nov. 
23, 1827. 

William Clark, father of the above children, died Jan. 17, 

Alfred Clark, died Dec. 11, 1808. 
Dorothy Clark, died Oct. 9, 1829. 
Joseph Tarply Clark, died June 22, 1829. 

* Note — The Clark family went to Georgia from some county in Vir- 
ginia, possibly from the Valley of Virginia. Jane Clark married Guy 
Smith, son of Rev. Guy Smith, a Baptist minister, who was born in Vir- 
ginia about 1760, and died in Wilkes County, Georgia, August 17, 1830. 
He was minister of Fishing Creek Church in this county. He probably 
came from Bedford County, Virginia, and was doubtless a descendant 
of Rev. Guy Smith, an Episcopal minister, who came to Virginia about 
1700 and was rector of Abingdon Parish, Gloucester County (William 
and Mary Quarterly, IX., 44; X., 62), Rev. Guy Smith of Georgia, 
made his will in 1830, and he names wife Sally Smith, and children — 
John, Nanny Jennings, Mary Bailey, William, Guy, Thomas, Sarah 
Goolsby and Elsie Smith. Of these Guy Smith married Jane Clark 
and had issue — Guy, Thomas Henry (grandfather of Mrs. E. F. Keeble). 
Anne Kemper, Margaret Caroline, Joseph, Junius, Martha, Jane, Sallie 
Beatrice (Mrs. Vason living in 1914 nearly eighty years old). 

William and Mary Quarterly 51 

Communicated by T. B. Robertson, Eastville, Virginia. 

For some years after the settlement of this county the county 
commissioners held their sessions sometimes in private houses, 
but usually at the most convenient tavern, as they were the chiei 
meeting places of the inhabitants. The house of the Secretary, 
Porey, was one of the houses used. At first the population was 
small and this could be done without any great inconvenience. 
The first court held for "Accomacke," as the county was then 
called, was in 1632, but unfortunately it' docs not state where, 
though one can well imagine that Secretary Porey entertained 
the commissioners, as his interest in the affairs of the new county 
seemed considerable. Indeed he might be termed the father of 
the new settlement across the water, as it was then spoken of. 

From that early day, when the commissioners gathered in a 
private room, till 1664, no court house is mentioned, but the 
houses where court was held, sometimes are found. By the lat- 
ter year, however, the population of this half of the Virginia 
Eastern Shore had grown considerably, and it then contained 
some 1,500 souls, and they were well established and prosperous. 
Two churches — one in lower Northampton and the other in the 
upper parish — had been founded. So Col. William Waters, then 
high sheriff, was instructed to erect a suitable court house at 
the place called the "Town Fields." At the court of levies fol- 
lowing he was allowed 5,286 pounds of tobacco for the work. He 
made the following report at that court showing the cost itemized : 

For Building a Court House at Town Fields. 
Lt. Col. Wm. Waters : 

This day Lieft. Coll Will Waters presented to the court an 
account of his disburse to this daye upon the court house like- 
wise an account of the countie's creditt in his, the said Waters, 
hands, the sd account being by the court examined they find 
justly due to the sd Waters upon ballance of the sd account 
seven hundred twentee and two pounds of tobacco. Itt is there- 
fore ordered that the sd Waters bee payed this ensueing yeare 
att the court of leavies out of the County Leavies eighteen hun- 

52 William and Mary Quarterly 

dred-forty & one pounds of tobacco being due as above said, & 
likewise itt is ordered that the clerke putt the sd account upon 

Northamp" County 

Deb 1 Lief. Coll Will Waters 

pd. Capt Custis & his brother W m Custis 

33/^ days of three men at 35 p. daye 

" John Braddan 1 day work 25 

" Booth Robins 3 hands help 

to raise the frame ^ , 


" For 2y]/ 2 days work Robt Warren att 35 p day is 962/ 

" " my man & 2 hands 2 days 

& for my cart & 2 hands 2 days 

" " One stuck lock & one paire of 

hinges bougt of Mr Martin & Mr Foxcroft 42 
" For bord & sound timber for stoods &c 2og J / 2 

" for nails & spikes 480 

" " drames att the raisinge the House &c 25 

" " 41 y 2 days worke of my man & for his dyett & 

for the carpenter's dyett & other dyett 1425 

" " caskes for 4595 p Z&7 l A 

" " mine own timber & for the use of sevreall things 

of mine about the house 324 


Pd me, by order of levie & by Capt Joanes toward this 

charge 2000 

Pd so much in my hands due to our county ^ order 

of Assembly not disposed of as yett 2259 

2 unfixt gunns remains of the w r ar 160 & by old Iron 

sould to Charles Parkes no & by 2 Iron wedges 35 305 

Moore 2 barrells of salt beefe allowed him for 500 pd 
tobacco the county had from Lower Norfolk for- 
merly ordered to Wm Waters J22 


William and Mary Quarterly 53 

This location seemed to be unsatisfactory to some of the in- 
habitants, so they secured an act of the "Grand" Assembly re- 
quiring the justices to put the question to a vote of the people, 
the householders and freeholders. In accordance with the act 
mentioned the vote was published to be held at "The Homes" 
December 31st, 1677. 

In Order Book No. 10, page 254, is found the following: 

"Whereas by order of Assembly for enlargement of this 
county of Northampton the Inhabitants were left to their votes 
for making choice where the Court House should bee for their 
greatest & most convenience — and havinge this day mett accord- 
inge to ye said order & an order of the last court grounded there- 
upon, Have voted that the Court for the future shall bee kept att 
ye place called 'The Homes' where Henry Matthews now livith 
and that the next court to bee held for this county bee there 

At the April court following, the record states that Mr. 
Hancock Lee was sworn in as High Sheriff and Owen Marsh as 
subscheriff. The said Hancock Lee petitioned the court for a 
jail, and the court ordered a "prison to be built forthwith by 
Henry Matthews, to be 15 feet square &c. and that he be allowed 
1000 pounds of tobacco at the next levy" for the work. Order 
Book No. 10, page 254. 

This location has been fully identified as the same as East- 
ville, and from the diagrams these two structures were on the 
east side of the road or street opposite the present court grounds. 

In 1688 Joseph Godwin donated forty acres of land for 
county purposes and agreed to erect a new court house at his 
own cost if the justices would accept and use it. This offer was 
accepted, as will be seen by the following order: 


Joseph Godwin Court House 

Tq the Wor. his Ma tle9 Justices of the Peace for the County of 

54 William and Mary Quarterly 

Joseph Godwin of the county aforesaid shewcth that hee 
hath land neare adjacent to the maine Roade & the present 
court house and is willinge to give forty Acres thereof to this 
county for ever to serve for a Court house and other appur- 
tenances and also to build the same at his owne proper costs & 
charges (hee only haveing the timber brought in place) and 
also for the further accomodation & decency to plaister and, 
white lime the same (provided you will finde lime). If this his 
proposall & donation be acceptable, He requests you will signify 
soo much and he will by any act or acts Requested Confirm ye 
same & forthwith begin to build the said court house and in the 
interim yo r worphs may (if you please) continue the court 
where at present it is. 

Endorsed) The pet 1 " 3 proposall accepted by the court in the 
behalfe of themselves & the rest of the county and that the 
Boards & planks already provided for the intended court house 
that was to be built bee delivered ye said pet r towards that hee 
assumes to build for the said of — . The pet r building the court 
house according to the former dimensions agreed upon for that 
which was to have been built at the county charge and perform- 
ing all thinges else consonant to the full purpert & contents of 
his peticion within expressed and yt. the same w th this endorse- 
ment bee entered upon Record. The land by Mr. Wm Kendall 
given the county for ye use of a court house is Ret d unto him 
as freely as given. 

Teste Dan Meche 
C. C. Co. Northn. 


Dec. 29 1687 

A year or so later, Col. John Custis, then High Sheriff, peti- 
tioned the court for a jail near the new court house, and the 
court ordered Jacob Godwin to build one, but in the meantime 
the "old one at the old court house, the place called The Homes/ 
to continue as the gaol till the new one is completed." Book 13. 
P a ge 33- This shows that the Godwin Court House was some 

William and Mary Quarterly 55 

where else than in Eastville, and was perhaps a mile or two up 
the road towards or near Hungars Bridge, as Bridgetown was 
then called. It certainly was near the road precinct of Richard 
Nottingham, then road surveyor for the road from "The Homes" 
to the Bridge at Hungars, as he was ordered to clear the way 
to it. 

In 1698 Mr. William Waters, then High Sheriff (evidently 
son of Coin. Wm. Waters), was instructed to put the old court 
house in repair. Book 14 page 4. Indicating that the justices 
had decided to return to the Eastville site. 

The next court house referred to is 'the one erected by Wm. 
Rabishaw. The order for which is as follows below: 

Wm Rabyshaw Co. Ho. 

This day William Rabyshaw hath undertaken the building 
and erecting of a court house at a place called the home old 
field, upon the Land of Mr. Savage, for 7000 pounds of Tobacco 
according to the Dimensions hereafter mentioned viz : the said 
court house to be 30 foot long and 20 foot wide from inside to 
inside, well framed of sawed timber except jice and Plate and to 
be oVerhead of 8 foot Pitch from Sill to plate and to be covered 
with white oake Shingells the sape to be taken out ; upon oake 
lath ; weatherboarded with good three-quarter inch pine Plank 
with an outside chimley to be well lathed and filled in and 
Plastered with a good Paire Stares all the upper flower to be 
Layed with good pine old Plauke and the under part of the Pine 
flower to be well Plained two dores to be well hinged with hooks 
and hinges to the said house within the Bare where the justices is 
to sitt and that to bee raised and to be layed; with plained old 
pine Plank Sawed out of old Pine and the sitt benches to be well 
Plained and the Railes for the Bare and the Dore at each ende 
of the Bare to be well hinged with hooks & hinges and to be 
an earthen flower except where the justices is to sitt are that 
to be done as aforesaid and the same to be viewed by too honest 
workmen as he goes along and all to be completed and ended 
workman-like between the date hereof and May come 12 month 

56 William and Mary Quarterly 

which is in the year iji6 and the said Rabyshaw forthwith re- 
pair to the clerks ofice and there enter into bond with good se- 
curity for his performance of the sd court house. 

Robt. Howson 

C. C. N. 
19th day of Apr. 1715. 
Order Book No. 15, p. 201. 

Att a Court of Levey Held for Northampton by his Maj ts 
Justices of the Peace on the 27 day of Nov. 1716 
To Robt. Howson as services done ye county as dark, & 

caske • 1080 

" Robt. Widgon for finding water & fire for the county 270 
" Nathaniel Capill for being cryer to the court 864 

" Mr. John Powell late sheriff, as by ace 1968 

" Col. W m Waters for his attendance as Burgiss & 

sloop, time and man for the year 1714 being 47 days 

& caske 9137 

" Mr. Charles Floyd for his attendance as Burgiss for 

year 17 14 being 47 days & caske 6095 

" Mr. John Harmonson for his attendance as Burgiss 

for the year 1715 being 44 days & caske 5703 

" Mr. Charles Floyd for his attendance as Burgiss for 

for the year 171 5 being 44 days & caske 5703 

*F -1> «t* *fC 3K 3fC J*£ 

To Mr. Hillary Stringer sheriff as by ace. 2204 

" John Atkinson 44 days attendance with his sloope & 

man ye Burgess at the Assembly in yeare 171 5 2855 

"At a court of Levy held for Northampton County by his 
Maj ts Justices of the Peace this 5th day of December 171 5." 

(Among other entries the following:) 
"To W m Rabyshaw for building the court house at Horns old 
field 7000 

(This is 7000 pounds of tobacco.) 

William and Mary Quarterly 57 

This court house (Rabishaw) is shown on a diagram of the 
prison bounds made in 1724 and spread on the records. The 
survey was made by Luke Johnson. Eastville was then desig- 
nated as "The Horns." The Court House was built on the origi- 
nal site selected' in 1677, tne prison is shown three hundred feet 
north of the Court House, and the foundations can be noted now. 
The pillory is represented by the post with arms standing be- 
tween the prison and the Court House. 

June 10 th 1724 

Surveyed by order of the Court of Northampton County 
ten Acres of Land situate in the said County of Northampton, 
beginning at a gum tree standing by the branch near the court 
house water spring thence south 553^2 easterly 13 chains, or 52 
poles &c marked & bounde as by this platt is specified the which 
ten Acres is laid out for prisoners bounde at the charge of Abra- 
ham Bowker. 

Luke Johnson Surveyor. 

Laid down by a scale including 10 poles in one Inch. 

Admitted to record 8 th day of September 1724. 

Godfrey Pole CI — cur — 

Book Deeds & Wills No 25, p. 209. 

Following the Wm. Rabyshaw order comes that to Capt. John 
Marshall to erect a brick court house at a cost of 50,000 pounds 
of tobacco. This latter is the one still standing on the court 
yard here, used so long as a bar-room after the county had 
erected a better one. 

The Brick Court House 

Court held for Northampton County 9th day of Dec. 1730. 

The Court house of this county being much out of repair 
and not in A Condition for the) Justices to do the county busi- 
ness in, which the court having taken into consideration came 
to A Resolution to build one of Brick and to treat with workmen 
who will undertake the same in Feb. Court next and it is ordered 

58 William and Mary Quarterly 

that the sheriff give Public Notice hereof both in Accomack & 
this county. 

Order Book No. 10, p. 60. 

Northampton Ct. Mar. 9 th 1731. 

Mr. Thomas Savage offers to deed 10 acres to the Justices. 

The justices aforesaid have given the old Ct. Ho. to said 

Capt Wiliam Tazewell order to write the deed. 

Order Book No. 10, p. 60. 

At a Court held for Northampton County the 9th day of 
Feb 1731. 

The court having in December coourt last past an order to 
treat w th workmen to build A Brick Court house for this county 
and this day several bidders appearing and Mr. John Marshall 
being the fairest proposition for the undertaking of the building 
at 50,000 pounds of Tobacco to finish it according to A Rough 
Scheme this day read in open Court to the proposers Ordered 
that the said Marshall give Bond with good & sufficient security 
in the sum of 10,000 pounds of Tobacco to finish the said work 
by the last day of December next. 

John Robins 
Thos Cobb CI— Cur 
Order Book No. 10, p. 66. 

At a Court held for Northampton County for laying the 
County Levy the 30 Day of Nov. 173 1 

(Among other items:) 
To Luke Johnson surveyor for surveying court house 

land 500 

To John Marshall to be paid him down towards building 

the court house 25000 

John Marshall, but not to be paid until the court house is 

finished 25000 

William and Mary Quarterly 59 




By Arthur Leslie Keith, Northfield, Minn. 

(Continued from Vol. XXII., page 191, and Concluded). 

We now come to Nancy McCarty, sister of Thomas and 
Cornelius. She married about 1780 to James Crook. Their three 
children (names given below) seem to have been left orphans, 
and were reared, according to reliable tradition, in the home 
of their uncle Thomas McCarty. In the latter's family Bible 
the births of John Crook is recorded as the son of James and 
Ann (Nancy) Crook. An unconfirmed tradition, however, repre- 
sents that Nancy Crook md. a second time to Adams. 

The name goes back to early times in Virginia and Maryland. 
Robert Crooke, in Cecil Co., Md., in 1675, witnessed wills of 
Thomas Howell and John Vanheck. In same county in 1697 
he was an heir of Edward Jones. He makes will in 1687, pro- 
bated 1693 (sic) in which no relations are mentioned and prop- 
erty is left to Jones, Frisby, Pearce, Penning and Wilson. 

In St. Mary's Co. in 1693 James Crook is named as one of 
heirs in the will of Richard Gardner. James Crooke in 1701 
witnessed will of Wm. Barker. In same county in 171 1 James 
Crock (sic) witnessed will of Samuel Sothoron. James Crook of 
St. Mary's Co on Jan. 24, 1725, made will, probated Mch. 30. 
1726, in which he mentions wife Mildred and children John, 
Thomas, James, Joseph (youngest son), and Margaret Crook. 
James Crook, of Baltimore Co., Md., made will Oct. 5. 1727, 
probated Dec. 30, 1727, in which he mentions daughter Cloe 
Crooke (sic) and son Charles Crooke. Sarah Crooke (appar- 
ently* the widow of the preceding James) in Annapolis on Dec. 
7, 1737, made will, probated Dec. 30, 1737, in which she men- 
tions son Charles Crooke, granddaughters Riddle Dallas and 
Chloe Dallas, children of Walker Dallas, of Baltimore Co. ; grand- 

60 William and Mary Quarterly 

children Sarah Chloe Raven, Mary Raven, Aberella Raven and 
Luke Raven, children of Luke Raven and Sarah, his wife. 

James Crook was member of the vestry of St. Anne's Parish 
171 5 and later. Joseph Crook was vestryman of St. John's 
Parish, Baltimore Co., May, 1758. 

John Crook appears in a deed in Prince William Co., Va., in 
1760; Ephraim Crook in 1784 in same place. Zephania Crook in 
same county makes will in 1779, in which he mentions wife 
Molly Haydon Crook, brother Absalom Crook, but no children. 
Allen Crook was a soldier in the Revolution from Loudoun Co., 
Va., in Capt. Andrew Russell's Co. of the 5th Va. Reg't. (The 
juxtaposition of his name with that of David Harriott is inter- 
esting, as will appear later.) 

According to Eckenrode, the following also did Revolutionary 
service: Charles, Henry, James, John, Jonathan, Joseph and 
Rennel Crook; James Croocks ; James and Thomas (Capt.) 
Crooks; and Samuel Crookes. 

James Crook was an inhabitant of Fairfax Co. in 1785, ap- 
parently living near James McCarty. It is very likely that he is 
identical with the James Crook who md Nancy McCarty whom 
we find a little later in Loudoun Co. The Md. census for 1790 
shows various Crooks in different parts of the state as John, 
Henry, William, Samuel and Alexander. 

Notwithstanding these numerous references the parentage of 
James Crook who md Nancy McCarty is not known. He cer- 
tainly had a brother, Allen Crook, probably identical with the 
Allen Crook of Loudoun Co. mentioned above. He, James, 
probably died before 1797, the year of the Ky. emigration. We 
know that in 1789 he was living in Loudoun Co., as the Bible 
of John Crook, his son, expressly states that he was born in 
that county. 

James Crook and Nancy McCarty, his wife, had three chil- 
dren. 1. Mary Crook, born Jan. 7, 1782, died 1846-7, in Meade 
Co., Ky. She md about 1799, probably in Fayette Co., Ky., to 
James Lawson, born Sept. 8, 1765, died Nov. 12, 1845, an d they 
had Sarah H., born April 30, 1800, md. Robert Jenkins; John 
Crook, born May 28, 1803, md Arethusa Grundy; James A., born 

William and Mary Quarterly 6i 

Nov. 6, 1805, md Louisa Board; Mary Ann, born Aug. II, 1808, 
died single; Margaret, born May 18, 181 1, died single; Susanna 
Hardridge (named for her great-aunt), born Sept. 21, 1813, died 
Jan. 25, 1888, at Vincennes, Indiana; md July, 1833, in Meade 
Co., Ky., to Henry Keith (the writer's grandfather) ; Thomas 
Jefferson, born July 21, 1816 (?), died Feb. 19, 1866, md Sarah 
Darnall; Elizabeth Jane, born May 8, 1819, md. John Beatty; 
America, born Nov. 22, 1821 ; and Frances Davis Lawson, born 
Dec. 13, 1824, md Jeremiah Tarlton, of Lexingeon, Ky. 

2. Betsy Crook, daughter of James and Nancy, md 

Swinford and had James ; Peggy, md Allen ; Eliza, md 

Howard; and Jane Swinford, born May 18, 1817, died 

June 30, 1874, md July 24, 1834, to Thomas Chambers, son of 
Asa Chambers by his wife, Jane McCarty, daughter of Thomas. 

3. John Crook, only son of James and Nancy, was born in 
Loudoun Co., Va., Jan. 20, 1789, died Dec. 30, 1864, in Scotland 
Co., Mo. He md 1st on Oct. 25, 1813, Nancy Dawson, born 
Feb. 15, 1789, died Apr. 19, 1831, by whom all his children; md 
2nd on Feb. 1, 1834, to a widow, Elizabeth Rush, nee Branden- 
burg. John Crook and Nancy had James, born Aug. 28, 181 5, 

died Nov., 1839, who md Anne and left one son, Wesley, 

who reared a large family; Adaline, born Mch. 10, 1817, md 
James Calvin Brandenburg on Aug. 20, 1839 (he was a brother 
of John Crook's second wife) ; David Dawson, born Feb. 15, 
1819, died Oct. 31, 1 891, md Lucretia Ann Maxwell and reared 
a large family at Savannah, Tenn. ; Allen, born June 10, 1821, 
died Dec. 16, 1900, md Sarah Dillo ; Ann E., born Nov. 24, 1823, 
died July 10, 1843, m & on J ur y 3> x 839, to Charles S. Rush (son 
of her stepmother) and had a daughter, Amanda Melissa Rush, 
born Nov. 6, 1840, who md and reared a large family; John D., 
born Oct. 15, 1827, died 1904, md Amanda Brandenburg, no 
issue; Mariah, born Apr. 9, 1828, md Oscar Rush (she is still 
living at Memphis, Mo.) ; and Samuel Wesley Crook, born Apr. 
19, 1830, died May 17, 1831. 

We now take up the line of Betsy McCarty, sister of Thomas, 
Cornelius and Nancy. Betsy was born Apr. 20, 1771, died Mch. 
1, 1807, in Fayette Co., Ky. She md on Mch 19, 1789, to Capt. 

62 William and Mary Quarterly 

Jacob McConathy, born Nov. 4, 1766, in Wilmington, Delaware, 
died Mch. 29, 1827, in Fayette Co., Ky. Tradition states that 
Jacob McConathy was the son of a first marriage between his 
father and Anne Springer, that he did not get along well with 
his father's second wife and went from Delaware to Va., where 
he changed his name from McConagh to McConathy. His 
captain's commission is signed by Patrick Henry for some Va. 
militia service. He moved to Fayette Co., Ky., in 1797, and is 
said to have owned part of the first steam mill operated west of 
the Alleghanies, at or near Lexington, Ky. 

Capt. Jacob McConathy and wife, Betsy McCarty, had five 
children, as follows. 1. James, born Sept. 1, 1792, died about 
1865, wno m d 1st on May 21, 1816, to Eliza Craig, died June 
19, 1836; md 2nd on Oct. 12, 1837, to Eliza Peniston, born Jan. 
28, 181 1, died July 29, 1840. All his children but the last one 
were by first wife; they were Alfred, born May 23, 1817, died 
Nov. 24, 1887; John, born Jan. 30, 18 19, died Apr. 9, 1890; 
Betsy, born Jan. 6, 1821, died June 24, 1824; Jane, born May 14, 
1823, died Sept. 20, 1875, md Wm. Wilson. No issue; Ann, born 
Aug. 23, 1825, md Feb. 28, 1849, to Alfred C. Wilson ; James, born 
Jan. 9, 1828; Henry, born May 25, 1830; Eliza E., born Sept. 
28, 1832; Alice, born Oct. 15, 1834; and Sarah McConathy (by 
2nd wife), born Aug. 24, 1838. 2. Elisha McConathy son of Jacob 
and Betsy, born Dec. 17, 1795, murdered on the Mississippi 
River near Fort Adams, July, 1817. 

3. Sallie McConathy, daughter of Jacob and Betsy, born 
April 17, 1799?, died Oct. 6, 1861, in Chicot Co., Ark. She 
md 1st Robert McConnell and had James E., born Mch. 9, 1817, 
died 1819; Jacob, born Sept. 18, 1818, killed in Confed. Army 
at Chickamauga, Sept., 1863; Robert P., born June 17, 1S21, 
died Sept. 27, 1850; Elizabeth, born Mch. 4, 1824. died Feb. 7, 
1865, md Joshua Craig, and Herbert McConnell, born Nov. 2, 
1826, died Mch. 20, 1900; she md 2nd Christian Martin on Dec. 
16, 1838, and had Charles, born Sept. 8, 1839, died Dec. 2, 1895, 
single; and Mary Ann Martin born May 26, 1843. 4. Asa Mc- 
Conathy, son of Jacob and Betsy, was born Aug. 9, 1801, died 
Nov. 16, 1872. He md on July 22, 1824, to Rebecca Berry born 
1805, died Mch. 19, 1872, and had eleven children, as follows: 

William and Mary Quarterly 63 

George Berry, born Oct. 2J, 1825, died 1893; Jacob, born July 
21, 1827, died 1892; Nancy Berry Pettit, born Jan. 29, 1829, 
died 1831; Newton Berry, born May 26, 1831, died June, 1895; 
Elizabeth, born Mch. 29, 1834, md 1854 to John A. Gibson; Asa, 
born Sept. 7, 1836, md Alice Alford; Eliza Rebecca, born Mch. 

4, 1839, died Apr. 2, 1912, md Dr. Wm. Wilson; James, born 
Jan. 23, 1841, md Mary Mitchell; Mary B., born Apr. 15, 1843, 
died 1889; Martha Edwards born Mch. 4, 1845, m d Thomas 
Hare; and Belle Truesdale McConathy, born Feb. 9, 1847, m< ^ 
Robert Wilson Davis. 5. Anne Springer McConathy, daughter 
of Jacob and Betsy, was born May 19, 1804, died Nov. 12, 1878. 
She md 1st Wm. Garrett on May 9, 1822, and had Wm. Garrett, 
Jr., born June 18, 1823, died Feb. 13, 1895, md Martha Rorer ; 
Elizabeth, born Feb. 28, 1825, died Dec. 9, i860, md James 

Wright; Mary, born 1826, md Taylor; and James Garrett. 

Anne Springer McConathy md 2nd John Bridges and had Sarah 
and Martin Bridges. 

Capt. Jacob McConathy md a second time, Jan. 11, 1809, to 
Eunice Holleyman, born Dec. 29, 1778, died June 9, 1833, and 
had Herbert, born Oct. 28, 1809; Milton, born Feb. 22, 181 1; 
Perry born Aug. 17, 181 3; and Elizabeth McConathy, born Dec. 

5, 1816, md Taylor, said to be a brother of Pres. Zachary 


We next take up the supposed Boseley connection. The name 
Bozeley appears as one of the names of a son of Enos Orear 
McCarty and the said Enos' daughter believes it was the family 
name of the mother of Thomas, Cornelius, etc. We have al- 
ready seen how the names Orear, Hardridge and others were 
handed down. But much more important is the evidence fur- 
nished by the Bible of Mary Rose McCarty, born Apr. 9, 1805, 
daughter of James McCarty, son of Thomas. (She is said to 
have had great interest in family history and sent a record of 
the family of her father, James McCarty by his wife, Nancy 
Lusfc, to one who was preparing a Todd genealogy, the Lusks 
and Todds being connected. Nancy Lusk's mother is said to have 
been a Williams.) In her handwriting, as reported to me by her 
son, are these words: "Nancy Boseley from Scotland, Elizabeth 

64 William and Mary Quarterly 

Nevitt from England. These were my Great-Great-Grand- 

This is a tantalizing bit of evidence as there is nothing to 
show which two of her eight great-great-grandmothers are in- 
tended. However, I believe the Boseley comes in on the Mc- 
Carty side, because of the appearance of the name among the 
descendants of Cornelius. It has occurred to me that inasmuch 
as the mother of Thomas, Cornelius, etc., was named Nancy, 
she might have been the Boseley ancestor rather than one from 
the preceding generation, which it must be if the above record is 
correct. The Boseley family of Md., to which all seem traceable, 
was of English, not of Scotch origin. Though not yet able to 
give the exact connection between Nancy Boseley and the Mc- 
Carty family, I offer here the Boseley data in my possession, 
which I believe has never yet been published. 

There is a tradition of a Walter Bosley who settled in Balti- 
more Co., Md., about 1660. If this is correct (I have not veri- 
fied it) he could hardly be identical with the W r alter Bosley who 
made will in Baltimore Co. in 171 5, if we assign to the latter 
the children born in 1712 and 1714. Perhaps there were two of 
the name, father and son, the senior coming to Md. in 1660 
and dying in 1715 and the children born about 1712 belonging to 
the junior. The first certain reference that I know of is of one 
John Bosley, who was a witness to will of Wm. Hensey in 
Charles Co. in 1684. The first certain reference of Walter Bosley 
dates from 1696. In that year he bought of Lawrence Rich- 
ardson, 150 acres called Arthur's Choice. In 17 14 he bought 
Boseley's Palace from Thomas Taylor. One of these tracts, 
Arthur's Choice, lay on the south side of the west branch of 
Gunpowder River in Baltimore Co., joining land of the Du- 
laneys. Arthur's Choice was surveyed Aug. 20, 1683, for Arthur 
Taylor and consisted of 300 acres of w r hich at some time before 
1696 Walter Bosley was proprietor of 150 acres, Lawrence Rich- 
ardson of 75 acres, Oliver Hareot of 75 acres (of whom we 
shall have more to say later). On Nov. 10, 1697, Walter Bozley 
patented Bozley's Expectation, 199 acres in Baltimore Co. The 
original Walter Boseley is said to have been a barrister. 

William and Mary Quarterly 65 

Walter Bosley in Baltimore Co. made will on July 29, 171 5, 
probated Nov. 2, 1715, in which he mentions wife Mary Bosley; 
son Joseph to whom he leaves Bosley's Pallace lying on the north 
side of Patapsco River near Jones Falls ; son John, son James 
to whom he leaves part of a tract called Bosley's Expectation 
lying on Gunpowder River; son William (youngest) to whom he 
leaves the rest of Bosley's Expectation; and son Charles Bosley 
to whom he leaves 75 acres, being part of a tract called Arthur's 
Choice lying on Gunpowder River. There is no son Walter men- 
tioned in this will yet it appears that there was another Walter 
Bosley of the same place from the following: The records of 
St. John's and St. George's Parish (of Baltimore and Harford 
Counties) show that Walter and Mary Elizabeth Bozley had 
son William, born Mch. 11, 1711-12; also Walter and Elizabeth 
Bozley had son Charles, born May 13, 1714. In the will quoted 
above, William was the youngest son, but with this Walter, 
Charles was younger than his brother William. The Walter of 
the will had wife Mary; the other Walter had wife Alary Eliza- 
beth or Elizabeth. It seems almost inevitable that the two were 
related. The other items from these parish records are as fol- 
lows: William Bozly and Elizabeth his wife have daughter 
(name undecipherable), born June 10, 1745. John Bozley md 
Hannah Bull, Oct. 18, 1759. Vincent Dapnel md Marth ( ?) 
Bozley, Nov. 20, 1768 (?) Daniel Bond md Patience Bozley, 
daughter of James and Elizabeth, Nov. i, 1759. Gideon Boseley, 
son of James and Elizabeth Parish Boseley, md Sarah Cole, Jan. 
9, 1772. James Bosley, son of James and Elizabeth, md Tem- 
perance March, Sept. 16, 1776. Thomas Bosley, son of James 
and Elizabeth md Mary Richards, Dec. 13, 1770. Caleb Bozley 

md Eliz. Wheeler Feb. 27, 1772. John Helm md 

Bozley, Sept. 2, 1762. Benjamin Barney md Delilah Bozley, 
Apr. 23, 1758. Daniel Rowan md Sarah Bosley, daughter of 
Capt. James and Elizabeth Feb. 18, 1779. Vincent Bozley md 
Wilhemina Morris Mch. 28, 1771. John (?) Parish md Charity 
Boseley, daughter of James and Elizabeth, July 12, 1770. Daniel 
Shaw md Prudence Bozley, April 14, 1763. Elias Majors md 
Diana Bozley Sept. 8, 1763. Elisha Bozley md Eliz. Merrydeth, 
June 29, 1769. Wm. Hadmungton (?) md Eliz. Bozley Feb. 2. 

66 William and Mary Quarterly 

1772. James Bozley md Rachel Garsuch Sept. 18, 1760. Ezekiel 
Bozley md Eliz. Morris Oct. 21, 1760. 

From other sources of information I find that James Bosley 
md Elizabeth Parrish, Nov. 26, 1730. He was probably the son 
of Walter of the will dated 1715. James and Elizabeth had a 
daughter, Patience, born Sept. 16, 1731, who md Daniel Bond 
(see above) and had Betsy, Anna, Zaccheus, Joshua and Thomas 
Bond. Capt. James Bosley (whose father is also called Capt. 
James) md Temperance Marsh and had Gamaliel, md Eleanor 
Kenney; Anion, born Feb. 27, 1779, died Aug. 23, 1836, md 
Rebecca Marsh (his cousin); Ellen, md Nathan Corbin; Eliza- 
beth md Benedict Bosley ; Mary md Luke Ware ; Ruth md Peter 
Ware; Achsala md Jack Buck; Temperance md 1st Gapt. Kidd; 
2nd Moses Parlette? Gideon Bosley, who md Sara Cole in 1772 
(see above) had Edith; Ruth; Anah ; Thomas Berry md Eliza- 
beth Sutton; Elijah; AbranT; James; Gideon, born July 9, 1784, 
died Nov. 30, 1832, md Elizabeth Fleece. Thomas Berry Bosley 
who md Elizabeth Sutton (daughter of John Sutton by his wife 
America Pope) had Ann; Amanda; Wm. Perry; Elizabeth; 
Catharine; Martha; and John Sutton Bosley, born July 23, 1823. 
The Maryland census of 1790 shows many heads of families of 
the name Bosley, Bossley, Bausley. 

As for the Nevitts there is less to be said, as the clue is still 
quite indefinite. Richard Nevett took up land in Md. in the 
17th century. Millisent Nevett witnessed will of Andrew 
Wheatley, St. Mary's Co., in 1693. 

The Md. census for 1790 shows Charles Nevett, John Nevet, 
Jr., Joseph Nevett, Richard Nevet, Jr., and William Nevitt in 
Prince George, St. Mary's and Queen Ann Counties. Hugh 
Nevett makes will in Va. July 27, 1673. He mentions brothers 
William, Richard and Arthur and nephew John Nevett. Hugh 
Nevett patented 1800 acres in Rappahannock Co., Va., in 1664. 
A William Miles Nevitt lived in Fairfax Co., Va. (his family 
was intimate with the Daniel McCarty family) and had William 
Nevitt, who had Elizabeth Nevitt who in 1849 m ^. Rev. J. W. 
Kelley. William Nevitt, son of Joseph and Mary Nevitt, was 
born Sept. 3, 1718, at Mountrath, Queen's Co., Ireland. He set- 

William and Mary Quarterly 67 

tied at Warrington, York Co., Penna., and md in 1753 to Hannah, 
daughter of Peter and Sarah Gilpin Cook. He was a minister 
of the Quaker Society. He died Aug. 15, 1800, without issue. 
His brother, Thomas Nevitt, likewise a Friend, md in 1743 to 
Catharine, daughter of Isaac Steer of Lancaster Co., Penna., and 
died prior to 1760, leaving son Isaac Nevitt, who removed to 
Fairfax, Loudoun (sic) Co., Va., about 1765; Mary who md 
Nov. 27, 1766, to Wm. Wickersham; Ruth and Elizabeth Nevitt, 
who in about 1766-8 removed to Hopewell, Va. Catharine Steer 
Nevitt's brother, John Steer, in 1749 removed to Fairfax Co., 

The Dawson family. John Crook's family Bible states that 
he md Nancy, born Feb. 15, 1789, third child of John and 
Hannah Dawson. John Dawson died intestate in Meade Co., 
Ky., prior to Apr. 1, 1826. Besides Nancy they had also James 
Dawson who md Jemima, daughter of Thomas and Elizabeth 
McCarty (see above) ; Middleton Dawson md Nancy, daughter 
of Thomas and Elizabeth McCarty (see above) ; Artimesia Daw- 
son md Enos Orear McCarty, son of Cornelius and Susannah 
(see above); Rachel Dawson md Thomas Bennet ; Priscilla 
\Dawson md Josiah Watts, and David M. Dawson, deceased De- 
fore Mch. 6, 1837; and as his share was one-eighth part of the 
estate of John Dawson, there was probably another child whose 
name is lost. In Meade Co., Ky., in Oct., 1846, Priscilla Watts 
and Artimesia McCarty were proved to be the daughters of John 
Dawson, deceased, so as to enable them to be the beneficiaries of 
the estate of George Vanlandigham, deceased, late of Wood- 
ford Co., Ky., according-to- his will. 

The Lawson family. James Lawson, who md Mary Crook 
(see above), was born Sept. 8, 1765, in Baltimore Co., Md. He 
was the son of John Lawson, who md Sarah Harratt in St. John's 
and St. George's Parish Nov. 15, 1764. Some old papers, in- 
cluding the will, pertaining to this John Lawson, still belong to 
his great-grandson, Thomas Lawson, of Louisville, Ky. The 
oldest paper shows that in 1767-8 he was acting as administrator 
of the estate of John Lawson. deceased, presumably his father. 
This is on record at Annapolis, where his bond shows date Nov. 
l 4> l 7&7, with Joseph Sutton and Joseph Gruver as sureties. 

68 William and Mary Quarterly 

The parish records above referred to, show that John Law- 
son and Frances his wife, had daughter Anne, born Nov. 9, 
1730; Elizabeth, born Sept. 29, 1733; and son Moses Lawson, 
born May 10, 1736. Also John Law and Elizabeth Lawson were 
md Nov. 14, 1748. Thomas Lawson and Ann Herrington were 
md July 20, 1749. John Mayner and Mary Lawson were md 
Jan. 8, 1756. Frances Davis Lawson, daughter of James and 
Mary Crook Lawson, is said to have been named for her grand- 
mother. This is an error. Perhaps she was named for her great- 
grandmother, identical with the Frances mentioned above as 
wife of John Lawson. Tradition states that John Lawson who 
md Sarah Flarratt had two sisters who md brothers named Du- 
laney. Dulaneys appear in St. John's and St. George's Parish 
in Baltimore Co., Md., but the relationship with the Lawsons is 
not as yet established. In same records appear also the Harratt 
and Bosley families. 

John Lawson moved to Fayette Co., Ky., probably in 1797, 
where he made will on June 29, 1798, probably probated soon 
after, no account thereof being found in the Lexington C. H. 
records, which were destroyed by fire in 1803. The will itself 
is extant and mentions wife Sarah; son James (appointed execu- 
tor) ; Richard; Thomas; David; Moses (whom he practically 
disowns) ; Walter, and daughters Mary, Rachael and Ann Law- 
son. John Stonestreet, Samuel Galey and Thomas Walters wit- 
ness this will. Of these children James with his family have been 
accounted for above. 

David Lawson, son of John and Sarah, md late in life to 
Catharine May, who after his death without issue, md Dr. Joseph 
Chinn a'nd lived to be more than 100 years old. Nothing is 
known of Richard and Thomas, sons of John and Sarah Lawson. 
Moses Lawson, born Jan. 21, 1776, ran away from home and 
md Ann Thomas and had Horace Lawson, born June 4, 1800, 
who md Martha Alexander ; Louisa, md John Hundley ; Dorie ; 
Thornton; Washington; and Willis Green Lawson. 

Walter T. Lawson son of John and Sarah, was born 178 1-2, 
died Mch. 17, 1836, and is buried at Hopkinsville, Ky. He md 
and had Frazier Young, born 1808, died 1865, md Calloway; 

William and Mary Quarterly 69 

Granville Herod (-Harratt), born Mch 3, 1814, died Aug. 31, 
1866, md Sarah J. Holman ; and Amanda Lawson, md Dr. 
Calloway. Of the daughters of John Lawson, it is said that 
two md men named Wilson. There is said also to have been an- 
other son of John and Sarah Lawson, named John, but if so, 
he probably predeceased his father. Among the old papers in 
the possession of Thomas Lawson, of Louisville, Ky., referred 
to above, was one, now lost, but remembered as connecting a 
Capt. John Lawson with a Dulaney. Whether this Capt. John 
was the one who md Sarah Harratt or his supposed son, is not 
certain. A receipt for sum paid by John Lawson to K. Lawson, 
Clerk, is dated 1771. Alexander Lawson of "Baltimore Town" 
on the Patapsco, advertises in the Md. Gazette, May 27, 1746, 
in regard to certain lands of Daniel Dulany. John Lawson of 
Back Neck River, Baltimore Co., is referred to in the Md. 
Gazette, Oct. 18, 1745. Alexander Lawson of Baltimore made 
will Sept. 3, 1760, probated Mch, 1761, wherein he mentions 
wife Dorothy; his mother (not by name); his brother James; 
sister, Mrs. Logan and Mrs. Robinson; son Alexander; daugh- 
ters Isabella; Mary, and Rebecca. 

The Harratt family. The name occurs variously spelled. 
It is undoubtedly preserved as Herod, in the name of Granville 
Herod Lawson, son of Walter. The St. John's and St. George's 
Parish records, of Baltimore Co., Md., refer to this family also. 
Ann Harritt, the w r ife of Oliver Harritt, died May 13, 1716. 
Oliver Harrett and Susannah Morrow was (sic) married Oct. 
13, 1 71 7. William Cock and Susannah Harriott, married June 
18, 1792. And the marriage of John Lawson and Sarah Harratt 
already given. We have already seen the names of Oliver 
Hareot and W r alter Bosley appearing in the same land transac- 
tion; also that Allen Crook's and David Hariott's names are 
juxtaposed in a company roll from Loudoun Co., Va., in 1776. 
Oliver Harriott is a witness of the will of John Anderson, 
planter, of Baltimore Co., Md., will probated Mch. 26, 171 1. 
He is probably the one referred to in the sheriff's books of Balti- 
more Co., Md., for the years 1762-3, as follows: "Oliver Har- 
riott's heirs. To Hunting Quarter 50 acres." 

70 William and Mary Quarterly 


Greenhow, James. — There is in the Library at Norfolk a 
curious pamphlet, being the graduating address of James Green- 
how (Virginian) at the University of Edinburgh. It is in Latin 
and is entitled, "Disputatio Medica inauguralis de Dyspepsia," 
etc., 1797. There are two dedications, one very laudatory to 
Dr. Philip Barraud, of Williamsburg, and another to the author's 
brother, Robert Greenhow, Gent. Dr. Philip Barraud afterwards 
resided in Norfolk, and Greenhow seems to have owed his early 
instruction to him. 

Virginia. — There are in the Library at Norfolk two quite 
interesting books on Virginia. The first is "Letters from Vir- 
ginia translated from the French," by George Tucker, though 
not among his catalogued works. The second book is called 
"Practical Pictures of America," time 1798- 1807, the places Nor- 
folk and Alexandria. Mr. Sergeant, the Librarian, traces the 
authorship of this to a Mrs. Ritson, an aunt of Robert Barraud 
Taylor's wife. 

Old Clock. — Mrs. Winston Fearn Garth, of Huntsville, Ala- 
bama, writes that her mother has a grandfather clock, which has 
on its brass face the words "Joseph Rothrock, York Town." In- 
side the case, behind the works, written in pencil is "Bought by 
J. M. Ashby, Fauquier Co., Va., 1805, $60." 

Walton, William, of Botetourt Co., Va., had six daughters 
and one son, William Leftwich Walton. Can any one give in- 
formation of this family and their descendants? — Mrs. Winston 
Fearn Garth, Huntsville, Alabama. 

Dr. Walter C. Gardiner. — This gentleman made his will in 
Northampton County, Virginia, March 30, 181 5. This seems to 
show that he came from either Rhode Island or New York. He 

William and Mary Quarterly 71 

mentions his three children by his first wife, deceased, daughter 
of Thomas Wickham, of Newport, Rhode Island, viz.: (1) Mary 
S. Pinckney, "now wife of Richard Nottingham." (2) Angelica 
Gilbert Gardiner, "living from infancy and provided for, as I 
trust, by her grandfather Thomas Wickham of Newport, Rhode 
Island." (3) Joseph Wanton Gardiner, "a cripple of 12 years," 
now being educated with Capt. John Smith in Massachusetts,, 
"to be cared for by his present wife as her own dear child until 
his Rhode Island or New York friends can claim him." He 
gave all his property in Virginia, consisting of personalty, to his 
second wife, Elizabeth, and his daughters by her viz. : Emma 
and Sarah. He desired his body to lie in the same grave' with his 
deceased son Victor, his coffin "placed on the top of my coffin." 

Moody. — Mildred Moody, of Williamsburg, married I. Josiah 
Johnson, professor in William and Mary College. II. Judge 
Thomas Evans, who won one of the Botetourt medals at the 
College in 1773. He resided at "Sunderland Hall," Accomac 
County, and was a member of the 5th and 6th Congresses. He 
wrote some well known letters under the name of "Tacitus/* 
His son, Thomas Moody Evans married Eliza Mary White, only 
child of General Anthony Walton White, aide de campe to 
George Washington, and member of the order of the Cincinnati. 
Mildred Moody was doubtless a descendant of Dr. Giles Mode, 
a Frenchman, who settled in York County about 1650 and whose 
name was anglocised into Moody. 

Queries as to "Offutt" and "Gold Mine Billy Smith/' — 
Information wanted as to Elizabeth Offutt, who first married 
Stephen Lewis, and secondly married Col. Wm. Douglas, of Lou- 
doun Co. Va. He died in 1783. Elizabeth Offutt Lewis was of 
Fairfax Co. Col. Wm. Douglas came to Virginia from Ayr, 
Scotland ; was son of Hugh Douglas and Catherine Hume. He 
was Justice of the Peace and High Sheriff. 

My second inquiry is for information of "Gold Mine Billy 
Smith" — name taken from the Gold Mine Parish (I think Trinity 

72 William and Mary Quarterly 

Parish), where his father, John Smith, of Louisa County, was 
magistrate and vestryman. This William Smith or "Gold Mine 
Billy Smith" married Mary Rodes, and emigrated to Kentucky. 
Farther than this I can find no other information, and would be 
most grateful if some of the readers of the Quarterly could 
supply me with data. — Mrs. Lister Witherspoon, Versailles, 
Ky. ' 

Corrections. — In the January Quarterly, 1914, p. 217, 
Henry R. Pollard, who donated the "venerable text book" to the 
College, is referred to as former "Speaker of the House of Dele- 
gates." Mr. Pollard was a very prominent member of the House 
of Delegates, but was not Speaker, though he lost the election 
for the office by a narrow margin twice. 

In the April Quarterly, 1914, p. 249, under the head of "Old 
Usage of Words," by Philip Alexander Bruce, "Mrs. Mary 
Grant" should be Mrs. Mary Gaunt. 




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Vol. XXIII OCTOBER, 1914. No. 2 


By William Waller Edwards 
First Lieutenant of Cavalry 

If we carefully simmer down the theories and precepts of 
logistics, strategy and tactics, stirring occasionally, in accord- 
ance with the infallible recipe of actual experience, two very 
elementary general principles will continually arise to the 

The first is, that in every successful army the rank and file 
must ,show themselves fully competent under all adverse con- 
ditions of weather, of route, of shelter, raiment and food, to 
march against the enemy whithersoever their presence may be 
necessary. For only in this way does the opportunity come to 
make effective the second principle which, equally essential, is 
sometimes called the final test of a soldier. It is that he must 
be able to outshoot his adversary whenever he meets him. Ex- 
cellence in these two cardinal military virtues distinguished the 
American rifle companies of the Revolution. 

Within a few months after the first shots had been fired by 
the minute men at Lexington, the Continental Congress passed 
a "resolve" (June 14, 1775) "That six companies of expert rifle- 
men be immediately raised, two in Pennsylvania, two in Mary- 
land, and two in Virginia ; that each company as soon as com- 
pleted shall march and join the army near Boston." 

All of these companies except that of Captain Daniel Mor- 
gan have since marched with unhampered step straight into the 

74 William and Mary Quarterly 

depths of oblivion. Six hundred good English miles of rough 
trail lay between the flourishing seaport of Boston and the little 
village of Winchester, Frederick County, Virginia, where Morgan 
raised his first company of rangers. In the regrettably brief 
sketch of his military career, which he was persuaded to attempt 
in later life, he says: "I was appointed a captain by Congress 
on the 22 d of June, 1775, to raise a company of riflemen and 
march with haste to Boston. In a few days I raised ninety-six 
men, and set out for Boston reached that place, in twenty one 
days from the time, I marched, bad weather included, nor did I 
leave a man behind." 

What a glow of pride emanates from the last line ! And 
what wonder, when we consider that this notable march was 
made with practically green troops? The adjective should, how- 
ever, be used advisedly and only in its most restricted military 
sense, because this same company we shall presently follow in 
another expedition far more arduous, comprising hardships suf- 
ficient to strain their powers of endurance almost to the breaking 
point, yet sufficient also to further demonstrate their marching 
ability, as an organization of the best seasoned soldiers in the 
country. These green troops were borderers and woodsmen, with 
whom "training for field service" was interwoven with every 
incident of their daily lives. 

The western border of Virginia presented a different aspect 
from that of the sumptuous manor houses and smiling baronial 
estates lying along the Potomac and James. Beyond the Blue 
Ridge the traveler might steer an uncertain course for miles 
through a forest of primeval oaks and wide spreading elms, the 
haunt of savages and wild beasts, before he caught a glimpse be- 
tween the tree trunks of a friendly log cabin. Stooping under the 
rough hewn lintel of the door, he perceived as he entered a col- 
lection of flint-lock weapons, spotlessly clean and bright, couched 
on a row of buckhorn prongs over the wide fireplace. They 
were the Lares and Penates of the household. On the farther 
peg was a cow's horn of ample curvature, that hoarded the 
precious powder, and nearby a buckskin pouch in which were 
stowed bullets fresh from the mold, strips of tow for wadding, 

William and Mary Quarterly 75 

and spare flints collected in rambles along the neighboring 
streamlet. , 

When a boy was given a rifle a certain number of bullets were 
counted into his hand and he was expected to bring back as many 
deer or wild turkeys. He was sent into the woods with the spare 
equipment of flint and steel and tomahawk and knife, and ex- 
pected to build a hunter's lean-to camp of spruce branches, and 
subsist himself for days until he had "laid in" a supply of game. 
Or he was put on picket duty to give warning against the ever 
present danger of an Indian attack, while his father and brothers 
performed the necessary labor of breaking the ground to sow 
seed; and in addition he was assigned his particular loophole in 
the block house, which from the time he was old enough to hold 
a rifle to his shoulder, he was called upon 
-y\ f^sz. to man whenever the alarm bell summoned 

^ ~ ■ n - m From such seasoned material did 

Morgan build his company. The arrival 
of these knights of the wilderness with 
their buckskin hauberks and Indian battle 
axes, the first troops on Continental estab- 
lishment, occasioned a little stir of excite- 
ment among the New England militia 
which composed the beseiging army at 
Cambridge, many of whom were shop- 
keepers, not overly accustomed to practice 
with firearms. They marveled greatly at 
the Virginians' display of marksmanship. A military journal 
of the day narrates incidentally that "while marching at quick 
step they could hit a mark seven inches in diameter at two hun- 
dred and fifty yards." A Boston historian has added marvel- 
lously to their fame by ascribing a similar feat to each member 
of the company at the double quick. 

When Captain Morgan reported to ■ General Washington, 
these two were the only Southern leaders yet arrived upon the 
scene of action. Each had been trained in the same rough school 
of frontier warfare. Washington was of the aristocracy, while 
Morgan could claim no such prestige, being of obscure plebian 

76 William and Mary Quarterly 

birth. As a youth, he had run away through the woods from 
his father's clearing on the Jersey shore of the Delaware — an 
honest-faced, overgrown Welsh boy, strong limbed and indus- 
trious. He performed the first task he obtained — that of "grub- 
bing" a piece of Virginia laud — so satisfactorily that from that 
time he did not lack for employment. He was given work as a 
wagoner by the overseer of Nathaniel Burwell, who owned a 
plantation in the Valley, and in this capacity he delivered sup- 
plies to the market towns until by his thrift he was enabled to 
buy a wagon and team of his own. His roving nature needed no 
very remunerative offers of General Braddock to induce him to 
enter the service of the English army in the humble capacity 
of teamster on its march against Fort Duquesne. While Wash- 
ington, as Braddock's aide, at the front of the column was in- 
spiring the demoralized English regulars who could see nothing 
to shoot at but rocks and trees, Morgan, in rear, was bringing 
up supplies which they were to leave behind in their disgraceful: 
flight. "We will know better next time how to fight them," 
was the feeble utterance of the dying Braddock. How little did 
his successors profit by his mistaken tactics, or by his last admoni- 
tory words ! Braddock died in vain, for the foolish formation 
he employed for wilderness warfare still continued to live and 

Morgan's wagon was one of the train which drove over his 
unmarked grave in the wilderness to conceal all trace of it from 
desecrating savage hands. The young backwoodsman, ere his 
return, felt a touch of English discipline, the scars of which he 
carried to his grave. For a breach of orders a British officer 
struck him with the flat of his sword, and the high spirited, 
Morgan promptly stretched him senseless on the ground with 
one blow of his clenched fist. The punishment he was ordered 
to receive was five hundred lashes on his bare back, but the 
drummer of the company who was charged with administering 
the whipping miscounted, in his hurry to get through with itj 
and the offender always contended that he was indebted to King 
George one lash. 

During the two decades between the defeat of Braddock and 

William and Mary Quarterly 77 

Lord Dunmore's war, Morgan took more than his individual 
share in the internecine strife along the borderland of the Blue 
Ridge. In the wanton campaign, inaugurated by Lord Dun- 
mOre, the last colonial governor of the Old Dominion, against 
Chief Logan, he received the only wound he ever got in his life. 
While out with a small scouting party, he was shot in the head 
from ambush, and though blinded from the gush of blood, he 
clung with grim tenacity to the neck of his faithful filly until 
she carried him safely beyond the range of his Indian pursuers. 

Custom, prior to the Revolution, among the backwoods com- 
munity where he lived, made the Welsh lad a frequenter of 
taverns, a tippler and a gamester, and excess of spirit and energy 
developed him into a formidable border pugilist. Battletown 
was the name given to the scene of his many stirring encounters, 
which have become woven into local tradition. His fight with 
Big Bill Davis, a ruffian among border folk, was won not so 
much by strength as by good judgment and the mental attitude 
of never knowing when he was beaten, a prime characteristic of 
a successful leader of men, which his after military career showed 
him to possess to the highest degree. 

He reformed, married and became a plain and rather blunt 
backwoods farmer, concealing beneath his rough exterior a 
kindly heart, admiring courage above all things, devoting him- 
self to the cultivation of some land he had acquired by hard 
labor and as a reward for military services in various Indian 
uprisings. Up to the time he was twenty years old, he could 
not write so that anybody but himself could read the writing. To 
overcome his illiteracy he studied by candle light at home under 
his wife's tutelage. This was the life from w r hich the shots at 
Lexington roused Morgan, and firing his martial spirit, sent him 
to Boston at the head of his company of riflemen. 

From contemporaneous accounts, the American army at Bos- 
ton must have felt toward Sir William Howe somewhat as the 
Lilliputian host did toward the sleeping Gulliver, whom thev 
tied down with pack thread. When the English military giant in 
the present instance did not awake, Morgan's men grew de- 
cidedly restless. They pined for more exciting occupation than 


William and Mary Quarterly 

that of handling pick and shovel in digging parallels and ap- 
proaches. In the circumscribed surroundings of a besieger's 
camp, they found a poor substitute for the unbounded freedom 


to which they had been accustomed. When an expedition to 
Quebec was broached and it became known for a certainty that 
two rifle companies would be needed, the rivalry was so keen 

William and Mary Quarterly 79 

that lots had to be cast to determine which they should be, and 
great was the rejoicing among Morgan's men when the lucky 
number fell to their share. 

The idea of an invasion into Canada was first exploited in 
a letter from Schuyler to Washington, though shortly afterwards 
Arnold seems also to have suggested it. The route which 
Schuyler proposed — from Ticonderoga up the Sorel, past Saint 
John's to Montreal, and thence down the Saint Lawrence — was, 
however, a far easier one than that selected by Arnold through 
the Maine wilderness. Washington approving of the plan, de- 
cided to let each expedition set out, the' one under Schuyler, the 
other under Arnold, the two to meet at Quebec. With Arnold's 
column, Morgan led. That the attack upon the fortressed city 
flashed in the pan was in no way their fault, nor does it detract 
from a record of nerve and endurance on the part of the Ameri- 
can soldier, which has scarcely ever been equalled. The expe- 
dition wears an air of romance, and it has been called "chiv- 
alric." Except that it came so near to being successful, it might 
very properly have been termed foolhardy. The scheme was 
built upon a false hypothesis ; it was supposed that the Canadians 
would give their aid, but the volatile French there were indif- 
ferent to our cause. Independence meant nothing to them. 
Wolfe had decided on the Plains of Abraham that Canada should 
belong to England, and they were content that it was so. It is 
an incongruity nevertheless, which still is rather surprising, that 
through the apathy of the French we lost Canada at Quebec, 
and through the enthusiasm of the French we gained our inde- 
pendence at Yorktown. In order to find out the true state of 
feeling, of the inhabitants of Canada towards us, a hardy little 
band of eight hundred men strapped on their knapsacks and 
braved an unbroken wilderness to storm a walled city as strong 
as a feudal castle. 

Pushing their bateaux against the turbid current of the Ken- 
nebec, they started in September of the year 1775. Through 
the two months following while the brief northern Indian sum- 
mer disappeared amid the chill snows of November, thev val- 
iantly toiled forward on their unknown way, now in the water 

80 William and Mary Quarterly 

to their waists, now losing their bearings and following some 
tributary stream for days before discovering their mistake ; 
portaging their boats and baggage across thick woods, where 
the thorns and brambles slashed their clothing to shreds and, 
were left crimson with their blood; through deep ravines which 
saw not the sunlight. They shot the rapids of the Chaudiere, 
where the treacherous rocks gored their water-logged craft, and 
scattered their provisions on the seething tide. Prom one of the 
overturned boats, Morgan, barely escaping death, succeeded by 
main strength in. dragging ashore with him the money chest 
which Arnold had consigned to his care. They were always 
thinking that their troubles were nearly over and always finding 
fresh difficulties along their route, greater than those they had 
already overcome. There were some of the band, as was to be 
expected, who gave up hope and returned, but the proportion was 
comparatively small. At length it became as hazardous to turn 
back as to go forward. 

The riflemen, by their hunter's skill, brought in an occasional 
moose or deer, and so temporarily replenished their rapidly 
diminishing larder, but the time soon arrived w T hen, on reaching 
a deserted Indian encampment, which were few in that inhos- 
pitable region, they attacked the few remnants of food they 
found scattered about, with the voracity of famished wolves. 
The >soggy r flour, all that remained of their provisions, was 
divided equally, and yielded five pints to each, and after that was 
gone they boiled their moose skin moccasins and greedily drank 
the gruel. 

Arnold, with a few men, paddled ahead in birch canoes, and 
the distant lowing of some Canadian cattle which he purchased 
and sent back, was the most welcome sound his starving forces 
had ever listened to. By means of these cattle alone, which they 
devoured raw on the spot, was this gaunt and hungry crew of 
adventurers able to reach the Saint Lawrence. At last across 
the river, there loomed before them the rocky summits of 
Quebec the goal they had hungered to reach. Stopping only 
long enough to collect canoes for their transit, they crossed the 
river one dark night, passing between a fleet of English gun- 








William and Mary Quarterly 8i 

boats, landed at the foot of Wolfe's Cove and scaled the heights 
as he had done to the Plains of Abraham. The advanced party 
of riflemen then took possession of a large frame house a short 
distance off from the edge of the cliff, which being tenantless, 
offered them a convenient and necessary shelter. 

Morgan's enthusiasm, upon driving in the enemy's pickets, 
made him favor very strongly an immediate entrance into the 
town. The plan had much to commend it. With their small 
numbers, surprise was an essential element to their success. The 
suddenness of their appearance had created a small panic in the 
garrison, while the Americans were inspired by the gain they had 
already achieved and were anxious to press forward. 

Arnold, on the other hand, who had visited Quebec previ- 
ously to sell horses and had formed a regard for the strength of 
its battlements, was emphatically opposed to taking unnecessary 
chances without knowing more definitely what garrison there 
was before him. His other subordinates wavered and were 
divided in their opinions. Morgan's rough eloquence had almost 
carried his point, when the moon came out — it had hitherto been 
very dark — and lit up a pathway across the river, and the boom 
of a shot from a British boat reverberating among the cliffs be- 
tokened that one of Arnold's canoes had been discovered and 
fired on, with the result that the sleeping townspeople were pro- 
bably alarmed. All thoughts, therefore, of taking the town that 
night were perforce abruptly dismissed, especially as they had 
left behind them their scaling ladders and must now await a 
more favorable opportunity to bring them across. 

It was thereupon agreed to await the arrival of Montgomery, 
who had taken the place of Schuyler, when the latter was forced 
by sickness to relinquish the command. Montgomery had taken 
and garrisoned Montreal, after which he had only a force of a 
couple of hundred men and a few small cannon with which to 
push on to Quebec, but small though it was, its arrival was as 
lustily cheered as if it had been a great army. 

Arnold had made a parade of his tattered forces before the 
walls, and sent flags of truce which were treated with disgusted 
contempt. He had also sent arrows ensheathed in enticing mes- 

82 William and Mary Quarterly 

sages into the streets, hoping that he might lure the French 
Canadians into his fold; but to no avail. Montgomery's first 
act was to dispatch a flag of truce and demand surrender, but 
his message received the same cavalier treatment that had been 
bestowed upon Arnold's. Winter was upon them, and it became 
evident that if they were to occupy the comfortable quarters in 
Quebec upon which they gazed with wistful eyes, an immediate 
and decisive attack was imperative. 

There were three methods by which, under ordinary condi- 
tions, an attack might be made: One was by digging parallels 
and approaches. This he could not do in the frozen ground, 
and, indeed, it would have been found difficult even in summer, 
owing to their lack of suitable tools. Another was by completely 
surrounding the place and cutting off the enemy's supplies and 
reinforcements ; but this method was equally out of the question, 
for the American force was inadequate and the avenues of ap- 
proach too numerous to be guarded. Much as Montgomery, 
should have liked to prevent him, Carleton had already slipped 
in and, a host in himself, his assumption of command within 
the beleaguered town had gone far to restore order out of chaos. 

The third alternative was to attempt an assault. The British 
long range defense guns were rendering the crude American em- 
placements untenable. Morgan's sharpshooters crept up daily with 
grim perseverance behind rocks and hillocks to pick off the 
most exposed of Carleton's sentinels on the walls. The young 
commander-in-chief of the Americans carefully weighed his 
chances, and decided that the assault offered the greatest chance 
of victory, and the enlistment of many of his men would ex- 
pire with the old year, it was not to be delayed. The lower town 
being projected between two rivers was shaped like a heel, and 
like that of Achilles the one vulnerable spot, and the night of the 
first snow storm the blow was to be struck in that quarter. 

On New Year's eve, 1776, two columns prepared to move. 
That led by Montgomery, and composed of New York troops, 
moved silently along the Saint Lawrence around Cape Diamond ; 
Arnold's men along the Saint Charles, to attack the town 
at its northwestern extremity. The ice thrown up from 

William and Mary Quarterly 83 

the river afforded but a narrow, uncertain path, over which they 
slid and stumbled in Indian file. Morgan's riflemen were again 
in the lead, carrying- the necessary scaling ladders and armed' 
with espontoons or spears in addition to their long rifles, which 
they protected from the dampness as best they could beneath 
the skirts of their hunting frocks. Bravely bringing up the 
rear was their only piece of ordnance — how pathetically inade- 
quate it seems ! — a cannon dragged upon a sled by Captain 
Lamb's artillery company. It was soon deeply buried in a hill 
of snow and had to be abandoned. 

At the first barricade that jutted half across their way — the 
rock of Sault au Matelot — Arnold received a musket ball in the 
leg and was borne to the rear. His field officers reflected credit 
on their disinterested judgment by electing Captain Morgan on 
the spot to fill his place, because he had seen service while they 
had not. 

Observing that the men behind him were huddled together 
and made a fine target for the enemy at point blank range, he 
urged them forward with a voice that rose clear and distinct 
above the northeast gale. For fear the business might not be 
executed with spirit, he seized a scaling ladder at the next bar- 
rier and was the first to climb to the top of the wall, only to fall 
stunned by the concussion of a cannon which, aimed a trifle 
high, was fired over his head. The second gun flashed, and be- 
fore the third could be touched off he was on his feet, and with 
face begrimed with the powder of the first discharge, he had 
alighted upon the muzzle, lost his footing and fallen underneath 
it, where his followers warded off a circle of British bayonets 
aimed at his breast. The guard being quickly overpowered, the 
backwoodsmen and their indomitable leader, panting from their 
exertions, reached the gate in the centre of the town, where they 
were to meet Montgomery. They had, many of them, discarded 
their own weapons, useless from contact with the snow, and 
replenished the loss w r ith those of sixty prisoners taken on the 
way. They found the gate unbarred and the people fleeing be- 
fore them like frightened sheep. The combatative blood of 
Morgan was at fever heat, but the counsel of his brother offi- 

84 William and Mary Quarterly 

cers — those whom he had superceded in command — warned him 
that to advance further at that time would be to both disobey 
orders and sin against discretion. It would not only destroy 
Montgomery's plan of the attack, but they would be compelled 
to leave their prisoners unguarded in their rear. Montgomery 
was at that very moment lying where his aide, the stripling 
Aaron Burr, had left him in his winding sheet of snow, and the 
officer upon whose hesitating shoulders the mantle of command 
had fallen, did not possess the stamina called for by the critical 
moment, succeeding the sudden blinding repulse, to rally his 
bewildered and disheartened men. Had the enthusiasm of the 
riflemen been general, the failure, which most of our historians 
dislike to dwell upon, would not have been so abject as to need 
their charity. Had he known of the defeat and death of his 
gallant commander in time, Morgan might possibly have cap- 
tured the lower town unaided! His men were never properly 
supported. The New England troops in his rear had lost their 
way in the dark streets, made still more opaque by the fast flying 
flakes. In disguise he went up to the edge of the upper town, 
accompanied only by an interpreter, and convincing himself that 
there was small resistance and anything was better than inaction 
in the bitter cold which cut through their buckskin garments like 
a knife, he returned and, snatching a rifle from a soldier near 
him, called for volunteers to go forward. Their moccasined 
feet crunched the snow with rhythmic tread. But the oppor- 
tunity had flown. Every church" bell in the town had rung an 
alarm. Lights twinkled above them from all the windows as 
they passed. They were waylaid in the shadows below. Here 
scaling a barrier, there attacking a house, they pushed onward, 
until they could go no farther. They were isolated, surrounded 
and alone. Two hundred of Arnold's party had been captured ; 
the rest had either retreated or sought refuge against the cold 
in the houses from which neither Morgan's entreaties or British 
bullets could dislodge them. The enemy were now reinforced 
twofold. It became with the Americans a clear case of each 
man for himself. They saw their chief — a bearded giant in 
stature and strength, weighing two hundred pounds and stand- 

William and Mary Quarterly 85 

ing six feet in his moccasins — backed against a wall like a lion 
at bay, and for a time defying capture. In sheer vexation of 
spirit, he is said to have wept like a child. A priest stepped up 
and took his sword while he stood vowing that no one else in 
the crowd about him should take it from his grasp. 

A British officer, who visited the convent prison where the 
Americans were subsequently confined, spoke the truth in saying 
that Daniel Morgan had done all that lay within the reach of 
human endeavor. He came as an emissary from Carleton to see 
the Virginian captive, who had been one of his comrades in 
Pontiac's War, to give him not only praise, but friendly advice. 
"As the Continental cause is hopeless," he counseled, "Accept a 
colonelcy in the English service." How typical of his ardent and 
unreckoned patriotism was Morgan's abrupt reply ! "Do not in- 
sult me again," he defiantly growled, "in my present helpless con- 
dition." Finding that his prisoners would not purchase freedom 
at that price, the clemency of Governor Carleton yielded to a peti- 
tion, and striking off their chains — the consequence of a fruitless 
effort to escape — he sent them home on parole until exchanged ; 
while Arnold, as soon as he was able to hobble about on crutches, 
seized his desperate pen and wrote Washington that he could 
not expect to take Quebec with less than five thousand men. 

A communication from Washington's headquarters offered 
Morgan upon his return the command of a rifle regiment, with 
the rank he had refused in the British service, so soon as he 
should be exchanged, but enjoined strict secrecy, alleging that 
did the British know what was on foot they would demand a 
field officer in exchange, and it would be difficult to muster an 
English captive officer wearing that insignia. 

His exchange having been effected without having to face 
the foreboded embarrassment, he became a colonel of riflemen 
at the age of forty, and forthwith received an order to put his 
regiment in the field before the ink on his commission was thor- 
oughly dry or the recruiting, even with the "turn, he had for it," 
had been completed. 

86 William and Mary Quarterly 

The loyalty of his men was displayed when those who had 
faced the snows of Quebec with him, unless incapacitated, joined 
his ranks to a man. They needed no persuasion nor did they 
require other recommendation. For the others, the principal 
requirements were that they could use their rifles — that they 
had gained some local celebrity at backwoods shooting matches, 
could snuff a candle or bark a squirrel in two out of three trials, 
and were equal to the Indians in woodcraft. There was no 
time wasted in equipping them. Each man brought his own long 
rifled flintlock, his powder horn and bullet pouch ; also those 
weapons of last resort in frontier warfare, the long bladed knife 
and the keen edged tomahawk. Neither did their uniforms cost 
Congress a Continental dollar. Their linsey-woolsey hunting 
shirts were the product of their own spinning wheels and looms, 
and their buckskin leggins and moccasins, likewise home made', 
were smoke tanned after the manner of the Indians, and fringed 
to suit their individual tastes in the matter of adornment. The 
deficit in their numbers was soon made up from the army at 
large, as it had become the fashion in the American army for 
many of the regiments to have at least one rifle company. 

Washington at first sent Morgan's corps, five hundred strong, 
to Philadelphia ; then changed the order and dispatched him 
northward to help Gates against Burgoyne, whose Indians were 
raising visions in people's minds of the fate of Deerfield and 
Schenectady. In a letter to Colonel Morgan, Washington said : 
"The approach of the enemy in that quarter (the north) has 
made a further reinforcement necessary, and I know of no corps 
so likely to check their progress, in proportion to its number, as 
that under your command," and to General Gates he wrote : 
"I have despatched Colonel Morgan and his corps of riflemen 
to your assistance . . . This corps I have great dependence 
on and have no doubt they will be exceedingly useful to you as 
a check given to the savages and keeping 1 them within proper 
bounds, will prevent General Burgoyne from getting intelligence 
as formerly, and animate your other troops from a sense of 
their being more on an equality with the enemy.'' General Put- 
nam was instructed to have sloops at Peekskill, ready to trans- 

William and Mary Quarterly 87 

port them and provisions laid in that they might not wait a 
minute. Gates, upon their arrival, further increased their 
strength by draughting one subaltern, one sergeant, one cor- 
poral and fifteen picked men from each regiment of his com- 
mand to serve with the rifle corps, which were to receive orders 
only from the commander-in-chief. 

It was not against the Indians however that they were des- 
tined to employ their own peculiar tactics. At the battle of Free- 
man's Farm, after driving in the Canadian pickets, we see them 
arrayed against the flower of Burgoyne's army. The country 
there upon his right flank was thick and rugged, and the fron- 
tiersmen, veritable wood folk, soon faded into the sombreness 
of the forest and became indistinguishable from the tree trunks. 
"Tempted by the firing," says Wilkinson in his memoirs, "I 
found a pretext to visit the scene of strife. ... I crossed 
an angle of the field, leaped a fence and just before me on a 
ridge saw Lieut.-Colonel Butler with three men, all treed. From 
him I learned they had caught a Scotch prize ; that having forced 
the picket, they had closed with the British line, had been in- 
stantly routed and from the suddenness of the shock and the 
nature of the ground, were broken and scattered in all directions. 
Returning to the camp to report to the General, my ears were 
saluted with an uncommon noise, when I approached and per- 
ceived Colonel Morgan, attended by two men only, and who 
with a turkey call was collecting his dispersed troops." A wing 
bone of a wild turkey for a bugle ! The Colonel himself sounding 
the call ! In doing so, he was employing the decoy notes which 
Indians sometimes used to tempt settlers to their doom. To the 
ears it was intended to reach, the sound would convey as much 
meaning as the rattle of a drum, while to those of their adver- 
saries it only blended with the other queer noises of the woods. 
What more effective means of assembly could he have possibly 

Burgoyne, bewildered like Braddock by an unseen foe, also 
ordered the thickest portion of the woodland from whence the 
shots were coming fast and furiously, to be cleared with the 
bayonet. Although his order was obeyed with more alacrity 

88 William and Mary Quarterly 

than Braddock's, the foe they reckoned with was not now an 
array of breech-clouted savages led by a few audacious French- 
men, as at Duquesne. The riflemen returned like a swarm of 
mosquitoes and stung more angrily than before. A brigade was 
sent to their assistance, and then four more regiments, and as 
the shadows lengthened, the rifle corps tenaciously held their 
ground in spite of the frantic efforts of the British to advance, 
while eleven thousand American troops remained in camp by 
Gates' orders as idle onlookers. 

Several days afterwards Lieutenant John Hardin of Morgan's 
regiment, in making a reconnaissance around the British rear, 
shot an Indian on the summit of a high ridge. Hidden away in 
his shot pouch was a carefully folded scrap of paper addressed 
to Brigadier-General Powell at Ticonderoga. "We have had a 
very smart and honorable action," it said, "and are now en- 
camped in front of the field, which must demonstrate our vic- 
tory/' It was the most that Burgoyne could boast of ! On the 
day of the battle of Bemis Heights, when Wilkinson dismounted 
at General Gates' tent to report the British advancing against 
their works, Gates took but a moment to review in his mind's 
eye the troops upon which he must depend for the crucial test, 
and he expressed the only order he gave that day in a single 
concise sentence: ''Well then," he said, "order out Morgan to 
begin the game." 

The advice of Morgan, previously given, that both British 
flanks should be attacked simultaneously, was prompted as usual 
by a frontiersman's instinct of the advantages of cover. Hardly 
a vestige of this region along the upper reaches of the Hudson 
was forestless except where it was made so by the keen edge of 
the pioneer's axe. A green sea of verdure inundated the long 
white serpentine line of British tents at either extremity, and 
again the riflemen disappeared into its depths, partially emerging 
therefrom upon a sparsely wooded ridge, where, with powder 
charges carefully measured and rammed home and flints picked 
and adjusted, they lay down and listened for the distant firing 
of Learned's brigade, which was to be the signal for attack. 
Again they struck the British right and were greeted by a "ter- 

William and Mary Quarterly 89 

rible discharge of musket balls and grape which made havoc 
with the trees over their heads." "The enemy had great num- 
bers of marksmen," remarked General Burgoyne, "armed with 
rifle barreled pieces. They hovered on our flank and were very 
expert in securing themselves and shifting their ground." Never 
was there a rift in the smoke clouds from the British guns that 
officers did not fall in this portion of Burgoyce's line. General 
Phillips' aide, in delivering a message to the commander-in-chief, 
fell from his richly caparisoned saddle, which was probably mis- 
taken for that of Burgoyne himself, who, though several balls 
went through his hat and clothing, passed through the rain un- 
scathed. General Frazier's iron grey horse was grazed by a 
bullet which cut the crupper, and another severed a lock of his 
mane. Unheeding the warning, his Scotch rider received a 
mortal wound, and his fall "was a death blow to his corps." The 
huddled artillery horses were shot in their traces and the can- 
noneers at their posts. 

The brunt of the defense here on Burgoyne's right fell on 
Balcarras' Light Infantry, who fought in compact, conspicuous 
masses, and were prone to fire by volley. The brunt of the at- 
tack was borne throughout the day by the Light Infantry of 
Morgan, whose loose lines were diametrically opposed to Euro- 
pean methods, but whose every soldier, believing the fate of the 
country rested upon him alone, required a certain amount of 
elbow room to fight it out his own way. The British, scorning 
to take shelter, were at first posted in front of their own in- 
trenched lines. They were towards evening compelled to quit 
their ground, and Lord Balcarras was put to the humiliation of 
attempting to repel an onslaught by Morgan and his men upon 
his own camp — one of the few instances that day in which the 
British line was actually pierced. 

"If there can be any person," magnanimously asserts General 
Burgoyne in his review of the evidence taken before the British 
House of Commons, "who, considering that circumstance and 
the positive proof of the subsequent obstinacy in the attack on 
the post of Lord Balcarras, . . . continue to doubt that the 
Americans possess the quality and faculty of fighting (call it by 

90 William and Mary Quarterly 

whatever term you please), they are of a prejudice that it would 
be very absurd longer to contend with." 

Washington learned of these things not from Gates, but in 
a letter from General Putnam. Gates sent his Adjutant-General 
Wilkinson to report to Congress at Yorktown, where it had been 
reconvened after evacuating Philadelphia upon the approach 
of Sir William Howe. In his voluminous report Gates gave 
neither Morgan nor Arnold the credit they deserved., 

Through an indiscreet remark let fall by Wilkinson on his 
slow journey to Yorktown, it had already become known that 
Gates was planning to displace Washington and to rise upon the 
ruin of his reputation. His attempt to convert Morgan, 
however, showed that he misjudged the character of the 
man completely. His argument was as vain as the force 
of the wind against some forest oak. "Under no other com- 
mander than General Washington," was Morgan's indignant 
reply, "will I ever serve." A coolness arose between them, and 
from a banquet given in the tent of Gates to General Burgoyne 
and his officers, Morgan was conspicuously absent. A health 
was proposed to General Washington on that occasion, but it 
was not by the host, and it must have been drunk by him with 
a very poor grace. 

As for Morgan's patriotism and loyalty, Washington amply 
repaid it by the most steadfast confidence. After the battle of 
Freeman's Farm he had written Gates that if he were so for- 
tunate as to have forced General Burgoyne to return to Ticon- 
deroga, he must send Morgan back to him, as he was in great 
need of his services. Gates' laconic reply was that he could not 
think, under the circumstances (while the two armies sat glaring 
at each other), of sparing the corps General Burgoyne was most 
afraid of. After Saratoga, however, there was no excuse for 
■his failure to comply with Washington's continued request; and 
yet Morgan was not sent until Alexander Hamilton was de- 
spatched with peremptory orders that his march was not to be 
further hindered. 

In the fighting around Philadelphia, the rifle corps rendered 
as signal service as they had done during the retreat across the 

William and Mary Quarterly 91 

Jerseys previous to their journey north. "I never saw men," 
says La Fayette, "so merry, so spirited and so desirous to go on 
to the enemy, whatever force they might have." It had been 
originally planned by Washington to have them do reconnois- 
sance duty, and they were to have been furnished with espon- 
toons or pikes like those they had used at Quebec, the present 
need of them being to ward against unexpected attack of the 
mounted troops to which their duties would likely expose them. 
These weapons, sharing the fate of other munitions of war des- 
tined for the Americans, were unconscionably slow in arriving, 
and in an order to Morgan instructions were philosophically 
added that in the meantime he was to keep out of the cavalry's 

Morgan complains bitterly, in one of his letters, of the broken 
down horses which had been attached to his command, most of 
which could not be goaded into a gallop, and as a terse argument 
in favor of obtaining better ones, gave expression to the military 
aphorism that "cavalry are the eyes of the infantry." 

Before the battle of Monmouth the British laid a trap for 
Morgan primed with what they considered an irresistible bait. 
They sent into his camp a pretended deserter who described in 
glowing terms a most wonderful opportunity to surprise them. 
The man's tale was plausible; the surprise harmonized with 
Morgan's methods. He listened with apparent eagerness and 
seemed to acquiesce in the' proposal. He began at once to pre- 
pare his men for the attack, and when all was quite ready the 
Briton slipped back to his own lines to assure them that their 
plot was successful. Preparations for an annihilating reception 
were made for Morgan's "surprise," but instead of at the desig- 
nated spot, the crack of his rifles was heard at another distant 
and entirely unexpected quarter, and the poor spy was left hang- 
ing to the branches of the nearest tree as a punishment for his 
presumed treachery. 

Sir William Howe had spent a pleasant winter in Philadel-" 
phia, but the city being of no stragetic value as a base, it was 
abandoned at the beginning of summer and the British army 

92 William and Mary Quarterly 

retraced their steps towards New York, while the Continental 
Congress again sat in Liberty Hall. 

Congress treated Morgan as it had treated others who had 
given their best to their country. His services were not recog- 
nized. He was passed over without receiving the promotion 
which his valor and patriotism plainly merited. Weakened in 
body because of the terrific hardships he had encountered on the 
way to Quebec, and sick in mind from seeing others less worthy 
advanced over his head, he journeyed to Philadelphia to submit 
to Congress the resignation of his commission. Despite his car- 
rying with him an eulogistic letter from Washington, his resig- 
nation was promptly accepted, and Morgan retired to the Shen- 
andoah farm he had named Saratoga in honor of the field he 
had helped to glorify and on which had been fought "the battle 
of the husbandmen." 

In the case of Morgan the transition from soldier to hus- 
bandman and from husbandman to soldier was neither a sudden 
nor striking one. Stark had resigned under somewhat similar 
circumstances, but Morgan was more magnanimous than Stark. 
With ever a keen interest and insight in military matters, when 
he observed that affairs in the South, whither his old commander, 
Gates, had been sent, began to wear a gloomy aspect, he decided 
his pride must be subservient to his patriotism. He at first held 
out against going back into the service with his old rank of 
Colonel, but the news of Gates overwhelming defeat at Camden 
silenced forever all personal considerations, and in the fall of 
1780 he set out for North Carolina, where General Nathaniel 
Greene was striving to recuperate the army which the selfish 
ambition 1 of Gates had so nearly ruined. 

A "resolve" of Congress that Colonel Daniel Morgan be and 
hereby is appointed to the rank of Brigadier-General in the army 
of the United States" out traveled him, and was waiting to greet 
him at Camp Hillsboro where he joined. 

Greene had two thousand men, of whom but eight hundred 
were regulars, and the Board of War had hampered him amaz- 
ingly in not supplying wagons to transport his camp equipage 
and stores. Cornwallis' armv in the South showed on its returns 

William and Mary Quarterly 93 

that it was three thousand two hundred and twenty-four strong. 
It was still encamped in the vicinity of Camden, with Ferguson 
at Ninety-Six and Tarleton at Winnsboro protecting his base 
of supplies at Charleston. Greene's ultimate plan was to pre- 
vent, or at least delay, Cornwallis' threatened invasion of North 
Carolina and his entrance into Virginia until an army could be 
assembled there to oppose him. 

Marching from Hillsboro to Charlotte, Greene split his 
forces. He took the main body himself to a camp of repose op- 
posite Cheraw on the upper Pedee — a difficult place to ap- 
proach — where he proposed to improve the discipline and spirits 
of his men, and he sent of! a smaller force under Morgan to 
occupy the country between the Broad River and the Pacolet. 
Greene hoped that he would induce Cornwallis to divide his 
army. "He cannot leave Morgan behind him and come at me," 
reasoned Greene, "or his posts of Ninety-Six and Augusta would 
be exposed. And he cannot chase Morgan far or prosecute his 
views upon Virginia while I am here with the whole country here 
before me." 

The post of Ninety-Six was an important one in the line 
protecting Charleston, while Greene, from his position on Corn- 
wallis* flank was threatening Charleston itself. If his lordship 
had been quick enough he might have destroyed withT his united 
force each of his adversary's, which were but a half to a third 
of his own ; but encumbered with heavy baggage, he disregarded 
the primary principle which Napoleon worked out so brilliantly 
in his campaign of 1796, and did what Greene wanted him to 
do — divided his command. In apportioning his forces, he de- 
tached the dashing Tarleton with his famous legion of light in- 
fantry and dragoons, to move westward in the direction of Broad 
River while he himself halted to await reinforcements from 
Charleston before beginning his advancement northward. 

The force of General Morgan at this time consisted of a 
corps of light infantry, Lieut-Colonel Washington's regiment 
of dragoons, and a detachment of militia which was to be in- 
creased by volunteers in the vicinity and those which had lately 
served under Sumter. Morgan's orders were quite broad, and 


William and Mary Quarterly 

yet left not much leeway to his judgment and discretion. He 
was to give protection to the part of the country whither he 

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9 £uj £*£>«•<*, 


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was sent, and "spirit up the people." If the enemy should move 
in force towards Greene's army on the Pedee, he was to move 
in such a direction as would enable him to join forces with him 
if necessary or fall back upon the enemy's flank or rear. 

William and Mary Quarterly 95 

"It is not my wish that you should come to action," was 
the exact and unmistakable phraseology of Greene's instructions, 
"unless you have a manifest superiority and moral certainty of 
succeeding. Put nothing to the hazard ; a retreat may be dis- 
agreeable, but not disgraceful. I shall be perfectly satisfied if 
you keep clear of a misfortune ; for though I wish you laurels, 
I am' unwilling to expose the common cause to give you an op- 
portunity to acquire them.", 

The activities of the Cherokee Indians along the southern 
border prevented Morgan from being joined by any considerable 
number of militia, and that which he did' acquire was far from 
being dependable. They were untrained levees from the country- 
side round about, living on small farms or "clearings"; half of 
them had no flints for their firearms. They were not amenable 
to much discipline. Because they had volunteered they felt that 
they reserved the right to leave when they pleased, and there was 
no saying when the notion would take them. It was not Mor- 
gan's wish to retreat, for if he did they would probably desert 
him. Victory or an advance was the only thing which could pos- 
sibly keep them pinned within his ranks, and toward the latter 

course his ardent nature leaned. 

Furthermore, if he remained in one place, he would be beset 
by another trouble — that of subsistence. The country- between 
the Catawba and the Broad had been swept clean. There was 
no forage for his horses; the storehouses yielded but a small 
supply of Indian meal to be converted into the palatable ash 
cake, arid even the lean and half wild cattle of thel pine lands 
and savannahs, which furnished but poor sustenance, were be- 
coming "few and difficult to get 

In a letter from the banks of the Pacolet on the subject, 
Morgan says: "This country has been so exhausted that the 
supplies for my detachment, which have been precarious and 
scant since my arrival, in a few days will be unattainable, so 
that a movement will be unavoidable," to which Greene replied 
from his wilderness camp on the Pedee: "This is no Egypt," 
but could offer nothing more substantial than sympathy. The 
Tories were interfering with Morgan's foraging parties, which 

g6 William and Mary Quarterly 

were compelled to make wider detours as provisions became 
more scant. 

Bands of Tory pillagers were constantly annoying the 
Whigs — perchance shaking their patriotism with ruffian threats 
or beguiling promises. In order to teach all skulking loyalists 
in the neighborhood to keep their heads down, Morgan sent 
Colonel William Washington to make a raid on a body of them 
known to be gathering between Ninety-Six and Winnsboro. 

Washington, a distant cousin of the Commander-in-chief, 
whose resource had been demonstrated when he captured a 
British fort by mounting a blackened pine log on wheels, and 
with it threatening and compelling the surrender of the terrified 
garrison, was so intent upon the capture or destruction of the- 
Tory band, that when they retreated, having gotten wind of his 
approach, he pursued them far within the British lines. After 
a hard chase, he came up with them at a place called Hammond's 
Store, charged them through a wood in front and flank and com- 
pletely demolished them. General Morgan was so enthusiastic 
over the result that he immediately requisitioned General Greene 
for two hundred swords and began seeking horses for his rifle- 
men and light infantry in contemplation of a movement with 
his whole command on a similar though larger expedition into 

The stockade of Ninety-Six had no ditch or abattis, and as 
Governor Rutledge had told him that though the place seemed 
formidable to country people, the taking of it with regular troops 
should prove no very difficult matter, he thought he might do 
this on the way, provided no time were wasted in the accom- 
plishment. To the end that he might economize time to the 
utmost, he planned to rid himself completely of waggon transpor- 
tation and ordered one hundred pack saddles made to take their 
place. Whithersoever he might go, whether to annoy the enemy 
or provide for his own safety in fight, he held it to be incom- 
patible with the nature of light troops to be encumbered with 

In disclosing this project to General Greene, he writes: "I 
have asked Colonel Davidson and Colonel Pickens whether we 

William and Mary Quarterly 97 

could secure a safe retreat if pushed by a superior force. They 
tell me it can be easily effected by passing up the Savannah and 
crossing over the heads of rivers along the Indian line." A 
postscript to the letter enjoins strict secrecy as "essentially neces- 
sary to the soul of enterprise." 

But Greene, in commenting upon the proposed expedition, 
was far from being enthusiastic. He did not think it warrant- 
able, owing to the critical situation of the army, and though he 
gave permission to attempt the capture of Ninety-Six, the stipu- 
lation was that it should be by surprise, as any other method 
would, in his opinion, be like beating their heads against a stone 

The weekly express bearing Greene's answer did not have 
time to return before the movement of the British drove all 
such thoughts completely out of Morgan's mind. Phillips had 
landed in Virginia with an army of twenty-five nundred men 
from New York, and Marion's crafty and sleepless scouting 
parties had brought information that General Leslie was on his 
way to join Cornwallis from Charleston. Tarleton w r as already 
in motion, and the dislodgment of Morgan was undoubtedly his 
object. A short, friendly and informal note from Cornwallis *o 
Tarleton will best reveal his intentions: 

"Winnsborough, Jan. 2, 1781. 
"Dear Tarleton : 

"I sent Haldane last night to desire you would pass Broad 
river with the legion and the first battalion of the 71 st as soon 
as possible. If Morgan is still at Williams's or anywhere within 
your reach I should wish you to push him to the utmost. I have 
not heard except from McArthur of his having cannon and 
would not believe it unless he has it from very good authority. 
It is however possible, and Ninety-Six is of so much conse- 
quence that no time is to be lost. 

"Yours sincerely, 


98 William and Mary Quarterly 

When Tarleton, in accordance with the spirit of his instruc- 
tions, after passing Broad River, arrived at Grindall's Shoals on 
the Pacolet, where he expected to find the unsuspecting Morgan, 
he was surprised to discover the encampment deserted so re- 
cently that the ashes of his fires were scarcely cold. Obsessed 
with the idea that Morgan was fleeing before him, he pushed 
forward without a' halt, travelling all of the night over swampy 
roads, where his jaded horses were fetlock deep in mire, and 
his infantry with leaden steps felt their packs growing heavy as 
iron as the uncertain way lengthened into the darkness. 

Morgan, meantime had halted at Hannah's Cowpens, a 
natural pasture for cattle, but twelve miles further up the river, 
where he suddenly decided to give battle. He was in the midst 
of a grove of tall pine trees — an ideal location for his riflemen — 
with the ground between them open and free from underbrush, 
so that his cavalry corps, which filled but little over one hundred 
saddles, could also maneuvre to great advantage. There was a 
slight slope toward a pair of hills in rear, or rather parallel ridges, 
the one in front being somewhat the higher and longer of the 

A further consideration of the geography of the spot shows 
that for a defensive position it was in one respect unique. Four 
miles in his rear swept the Broad River, forming a deep bow 
on) his left. General Morgan has been criticised for placing 
himself with an unfordable river at his back, which in case of 
disaster did not offer him the least chance of a retreat. He 
could easily have crossed Broad River. Tarleton was worried 
for fear he would, and had he done so and advanced to King's 
Mountain, where Shelby and Cleveland had captured Ferguson, 
and thwarted for the first time Cornwallis' advance, he would 
have found an excellent place for a stand. There he might have 
counted himself secure. His riflemen would have been supreme, 
and what was equally to the point, Tarleton's cavalry, which 
trebled his own, w r ould upon the steep rocky slopes have been 
decidedly powerless. He may have considered the mountain, 
for its fame was familiar enough, but he chose the river instead 
premeditatedly, and counted upon its effect. Leonidas-like, he 

William and Mary Quarterly 99 

wished no back door of escape. ''I saved Tarleton the trouble," 
said he, ''of sending cavalry around to my rear to cut off my 
militia from possible flight. I did not want them to think they 
could retreat if they wanted to. Men will fight best when they 
know they have to. If there had been a swamp handy, I have 
no doubt they would all have jumped into it." 

Militia were coming in at all hours of the night, until his 
numbers had risen to high water mark of eight hundred men, 
less than half being regulars. Around each glowing camp fire 
Morgan chatted pleasantly with successive groups, inspiring con- 
fidence by his sympathy and his soldierly admonitions, and 
courage by the manly optimism of his strong, courageous per- 
sonality. ''The old wagoner," he bawled forth with rustic elo- 
quence, using the familiar pseudonym by which he was most 
affectionately known, "the old wagoner will crack his whip over 
Ban Tarleton to-morrow," and as the fires burned low and the 
bronzed faces were hidden underneath the folds of their blankets, 
his men went to sleep with that certain conviction. An hour be- 
fore daylight one of his scouts, a member of Washington's out- 
posts guarding the Pacolet, returned and reported that Colonel 
Tarleton's column was within five miles of camp, but the mes- 
sage did not prevent the completion of a hearty breakfast, as 
another of Morgan's staunch principles was that men fight best 
on full stomachs. 

His dispositions for this, the crowning battle of his career, 
stamp him as an original genius in the art of war. The assump- 
tion that his plan, being an unusual one, was unwarranted, or 
that his ideas were crude or visionary, can hardly be retained. 
He was no dogmatic theorist. Cowpens was the masterly cul- 
mination of his whole military experience. His original ideas 
were not those of a tyro. They had been polished by partici-* 
pating in over fifty battles of the Revolution, eight of which had 
been general engagements. His fertility of resource he had 
brought with him from the backwoods, where it grew abun- 
dantly, and he had gradually evolved a philosophy of his Own. 
He knew his men as he knew the woods. He knew that some 
of them were expertly familiar with the use of their long flint- 

ioo William and Mary Quarterly 

lock rifles. On these he depended to oppose Tarleton's bayonets. 
He had no artillery, as Cornwallis had surmised, but he relied 
again upon his riflemen, who had always most effectually sup- 
plied this defect. He was convinced of the efficiency of Wash- 
ington's cavalry, but Tarleton's outnumbered them three to one; 
so in order to lessen the disparity, he mounted some of his men 
on the most suitable of the draft horses, and putting crude swords 
into their hands placed them at Washington's disposal. 

His militia he put in the front rank, with orders to "hold up 
their heads, give the enemy three fires, and they were free." 
Their retreat was then marked out for them around the left 
flank of the line of regulars — Virginia riflemen and light in- 
fantry — which were stationed on the first eminence. These were 
to wait until the British had arrived within thirty yards, and 
then carefully aim and fire with the most telling effect. The 
cavalry, under Colonel Washington, was perched behind the 
second hill, and like a hawk it was to pounce down upon Tarle- 
ton's cavalry as soon as the latter had disclosed its intentions. 
Screened from sight in the background of the ridge, many of th-s 
American horses were tied to the boughs of trees contentedly 
nibbling the bark, while they awaited the command of their 
expectant riders. 

Well in front of the militia were sixty picked marksmen 
posted behind trees. These men kept Tarleton from making 
much of a reconnaissance of the field in person, or of selecting 
a position for his artillery, but he examined it long enough to 
say afterwards that he could not have chosen a place niore favor- 
able to himself for an engagement. 

Morgan having gotten his men keyed up to the proper pitch, 
was glad to observe that Tarleton contemplated an immediate 
attack, before their ardor had had a chance to cool. The British, 
one thousand strong, formed at four hundred yards in two lines, 
the first tipped with dragoons, the legion cavalry in reserve. 
The dragoons charged the line of marksmen who were to re- 
sume their posts after the horsemen had retired, but the fire of 
the field pieces of the variety known as "grasshoppers" was too 
galling, and under its protection "Tarleton's infantry, despite 

William and Mary Quarterly ioi 

their march of the previous night, rushed forward impetuously, 
shouting as they came. The sun had scarcely risen, as the militia 
met them in a body; Within one hundred yards they opened a 
brisk fusillade, having held it up to that time. The advance of 
the British regulars slackened, and the militia were disposed to 
hold their ground, but remembering their directions, they re- 
treated to within one hundred and fifty yards of the main line 
before they broke and fled. The English troops thought their 
unanimous retreat meant that the battle was won, and Tarleton 
put his reserve infantry in his first line. They dashed onward 
pell mell, until they were suddenly checked by the line of Con- 
tinentals, whose presence had been unsuspected, having been en- 
tirely concealed behind the hill ; the militia were meanwhile given 
the promised opportunity of reforming. Up to this stage, affairs 
had moved exactly as Morgan had anticipated. There was never 
a general, however great or small, who was enough of a prophet 
to foresee every wild contingency which is likely to leap from 
the smoke of conflict. Fortunate is he, if on the spur of the 
moment, he can turn it to meet his own purposes. 

The contingency in the present instance sprang from per- 
fectly natural causes. Morgan's flanks were unsupported, and 
Tarleton's line, being longer, overlapped his materially; the con- 
sequence was that the flanks of the American line were soon in, 
imminent danger of being turned. This was prevented on the 
left by an opportune charge of Washington's cavalry. Not so 
on the right ! The pressure in that quarter, despite the reinforce- 
ment of the reformed militia, was becoming more than the Con- 
tinentals could bear. A change of front was ordered to avoid 
the fatality of an infilade. A misconception of the order arose, 
and word was passed along the line that a rearward movement 
had been directed to the next hill. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Howard of the regular light infantry, see- 
ing his inability to correct the mistake, decided that the move- 
ment would be to better advantage than that originally conceived. 
The weather eye of Morgan at once detected a flaw in the wind, 
and as he saw the receding line, was filled with astonishment. 
Its steadiness and cohesion, however, reassured him. Grasping 

102 William and Mary Quarterly 

the situation, he rode to a spot which he selected for the line to 
halt. The militia having reformed and joined them, Lieutenant- 
Colonel Howard recognized the opportune time to order the 
regulars to face about at the present short pistol range of thirty 
yards, give a fortunate volley, and then charge with the bayonet* 

The British ran afoul of their own well-known r 'no flint" 
tactics at a moment when their breath was about spent. The 
dragoons had been cut to pieces by Washington. The infantry, 
given no time by Howard to rally, was soon reduced to a fleeing 
mob. The artillery was the last to yield. Surrounded by about 
fourteen of his officers, the Commandef-in-chief attempted to 
assemble the fresh legion cavalry — which had remained in rear, 
taking no part in the action — to bear off the guns. Only a single 
troop responded. It was met and turned about by Washington, 
who had just flashed again into view from driving off some 
British dragoons of the front line, who had gained the American 
rear in pursuit of the militia. Washington's eagerness threw 
him so far ahead of his regiment that three of the retreating 
English officers wheeled and charged him. The one on the right 
was aiming to cut him down, when a Continental sergeant came 
up and by a blow disabled his sword arm ; Washington was saved 
from the one on the left by a shot from a bugler's pistol, and he 
parried at the same time a vicious thrust from the one in the 
centre, who was none other than Ban Tarleton himself. The 
day had been lost beyond recovery by the British, and the three 
officers, failing in their object, followed the disappearing horse- 
men, who were thinking only of their own safety and trampling 
down the infantry in their mad unreasoning flight. With splin- 
tered lance, Tarleton fled from the lists as precipitately as he had 

The greatest generalship was shown by Morgan after the 
battle was won, in realizing the necessity for an immediate re- 
treat. Cornwallis' camp, containing several .thousand troops, was 
on the east side of Broad River, only thirty miles distant. Some 
of the fugitives reached there the same evening; all by the fol- 
lowing morning. His lordship was sure that the rude soldier 
from whom Tarleton's legion had been compelled to ask quarter 

William and Mary Quarterly 103 

would now march directly on Ninety-Six, and he delayed moving 
until Morgan had consequently gotten several days start of him 
in the other direction, linen, although Cornwallis, realizing his 
mistake, destroyed his baggage, setting a glorious example by 
first burning that pertaining to headquarters, he was unable to 
overtake the more lightly equipped Americans; he arrived at 
the Catawba and the Yadkin just after they had crossed, and 
was delayed at each by sudden "rises" to which these streams 
were particularly liable. 

But the active military service of General Daniel Morgan was 
drawing rapidly to a close. A sciatic complaint, to which he 
had been subject since he left Quebec, combined with fever and 
ague of the southern swamps, incapacitated him for further use- 
fulness. "If I could only ride about," he writes deploringly 
from the Yadkin, ''but I am lying in a house in the outskirts of 
the town and must depend upon others." Greene, who had hur-, 
ried over from his camp on the Pedee with a small escort as 
soon as the news of Tarleton's defeat reached him, assumed'im- 
mediate command, while Morgan set out in a carriage for Guild- 
ford Court House where, after making arrangements for sup- 
plies, his weakened condition would not allow him to remain 
until the army came up. He was given a leave of absence for 
an indefinite period "until such time as the poor state of his 
health permitted him to rejoin." 

By easy stages he journeyed homeward, stopping often on 
the way. At one of his resting places he sent General Greene a 
letter which illustrates how absorbed were his thoughts in the 
critical condition of the army he so reluctantly left behind. "I 
expect Cornwallis will push you until you are obliged to fight 
him, on which much will depend," runs a portion of the epistle ; 
"you have from what I see a great number of militia. If they 
fight, you will beat Cornwallis ; if not, he will beat you and per- 
haps cut your regulars to pieces, which will be losing all your 
hopes. I am informed that among the militia will be| found a 
number of old soldiers. I think it would be advisable to put 
them in the ranks with the regulars. Select the riflemen also 
and fight them on the flanks, under enterprising officers who are 

104 William and Mary Quarterly 

acquainted with that kind of fighting, and put the militia in the 
centre with some picked troops in their rear, with orders to shoot 
down the first man that runs. If anything will succeed, a dis- 
position of this kind will. I hope you will not look on this as 
dictating, but as my opinion in a matter I am much concerned 

In the battle of Guildfort Court House, where the erratic 
course of Cornwallis was checked a third time, the advice of the 
absent Morgan was followed implicitly by Greene, who, singu- 
larly free from jealousy, placed his trust in the experience and 
understanding of his subordinate in preference to his own. "It 
was an emanation," says Johnson, his biographer, "from the 
same bold and original genius which soared so far above ordinary 
views and measures on the day of Cowpens." 


Allowing Morgan due credit as a leader, the distinction 
gained by his men on the battlefield is directlyj attributable to 
their superior arms and markmanship, their backwoods methods 
of fighting, and the woeful lack of the British in both these re- 
spects, they being too absurdly conservative at the time to profit 
by them. 

When Baron Steuben wrote at Valley Forge a book of drill 
regulations for the American army known as the "Blue Book," 
and which was in use for many years afterwards, he went con- 
trary to what he had recently learned in the camp of the Great 
Frederick. He advocated the skirmish line, an open order forma- 
tion for battle, and he was inspired to this by the exploits of 
Morgan's riflemen. 

Originally grafted upon Indian methods which the Anglo- 
Saxon settler invariably improved whenever he came in contact 
with them, these tactics are now as well known in Europe as in 
America, and have largely supplanted the close order forma- 
tion which the British religiously clung to until Cornwallis sur- 
rendered at Yorktown. They had particularly in mind the back- 
woods riflemen when they used to speak deprecatingly of the 
colonists as a race of bush fighters. 

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William and Mary Quarterly 105 

What a misconception it was ! It withered away when they 
saw them fight in the open at Bemis Heights, and felt their cold 
steel as they charged so unexpectedly at Cowpens. Still it was 
as sharpshooters — the pioneer sharpshooters in fact of the 
world — that the corps of Morgan was always most greatly feared. 
"The Indians feared them like the devil," writes a British his- 
torian, and he might have added that Burgoyne's regulars shared 
the same feeling. Though crude, their flint-lock rifles of American 
manufacture, long of barrel and heavy to hold, were infinitely 
more accurate and reliable than the smooth bore English musket. 
Even most of Morgan's militia at the battle of Cowpens — border 
settlers from the mountain districts of western Georgia and the 
Carolinas — used rifled weapons, which were the best they could 
obtain for hunting, while the only English troops similarly 
armed,, which came within Morgan's ken, w r ere the German 
Jagers at Saratoga. From their dearly bought experience the 
English hastened to improve the rifle, and waited only about ten* 
years — till 1794 — to adopt it for military use. 

The term rifleman is at present of no significance whatever; 
it may be applied without discrimination to all armies of the 
civilized world. 

The American backwoodsman in a century and a half has 
become practically an extinct species. We are transformed into 
a nation of urban dwellers. The woods have been cleared to 
make room for clusters of smoking factories, on wTiich we have 
grown hopelessly dependent for the necessities and luxuries of 
life. The humble log cabin has faded away, and instead are 
sumptuous schools and colleges in whose curricula the science 
of shooting a rifle has somehow been crowded out. Let the 
rising generation not forget, however, that knowledge of its use 
is still, and must always remain, one of the essentials of good 
citizenship, our bulwark of defense, our reserve force in the 
event of an invasion, our best possible preservative of peace. 

io6 William and Mary Quarterly 


The Jamestown colonists, and others at a later day, appear to 
have regarded the country westward from the falls of the James, 
now the site of Richmond, as a distant land, the home of a people 
different from those with whom they first became acquainted. 
The territory beyond the falls was first visited during the autumn 
of 1608, when a party numbering about one hundred and twenty 
and led by Newport, followed the course of the James to a point 
some forty miles beyond the falls and discovered the Monacan 
villages of Massinacak and Mowhemenchouch. Two years later 
a letter written by George Yardley to Sir Henry Payton, then in 
London, and dated "J ames town, this XVIII of November 1610," 
referred to an expedition planned by the Governor who intended 
going "up unto a famous fall or cataract of waters, where leaving 
his pinnasses & Boates safe riding, so purposely to loade up and 
go into the Land called the Monscane." 1 

This "Land called the Monscane" was the area occupied by 
the Monacan and confederated tribes, mentioned by the early 
writers, but of whom we have very little definite knowledge. 
They were of the Siouan stock and the recognized enemies of 
the Algonquian tribes which formed the Powhatan confederacy 
of the Tidewater section of Virginia. It is quite evident the 
Monacan were at one time a numerous people, occupying many 
villages on the banks of the streams westward from the falls of 
the James and Rappahannock, but as a result of the w r ars with 
the English and the native tribes of the north, they were greatly 
reduced in numbers and soon lost their power, and before the ' 
close of the seventeenth century ceased to be recognized as a 
tribe. An important town of the Monacan, probably one of the 
principal settlements of the confederated tribes, stood at the 
mouth of the Rivanna, on the left or north bank of the James, 

1 MS. Eng. Hist., C. 4, fol. 3, in Bodleian Library, Oxford. Copied 
in part in Am. Anthropologist, 1907, p, 37. 

William and Mary Quarterly 107 

in the present Fluvanna County, Virginia. It appears on Smith's 
map as Rassaivck, while northward is Monassukapanough, to 
which we shall again refer. Human remains have been discov- 
ered on the site of Rassawck, and many objects of stone have 
been found scattered over the surface, being evidence of the site 
of an Indian village. 

The valley of the Rivanna was about the center of the Mona- 
cal country and may have been comparatively thickly peopled. 
Small streams and springs are numerous, and fish and game 
must have been plentiful and easily taken. Quantities of wild 
fruits, berries, and nuts were obtainable in the proper seasons. 
The country was well adapted to the wants and requirements of 
the native tribes. 

Settlers entered the section about the year 1730, at which 
time a few Indians seemed to have lived in, or frequented, the 
present Albemarle County. In 1735 six hundred acres of land 
were granted to Thomas Moorman. This land was on the 
south or right bank of the Rivanna and included the "Indian 
Grave low grounds." The site has now been identified a few 
miles north of the University of Virginia. The term "Indian 
Grave" was applied to a large burial mound which at that time 
stood on the lowland a short distance south of the river. This 
mound was later examined and described by Jefferson, whose 
home, Monticello, was only a few miles distant. The descrip- 
tion is quoted in full: 

"It was situated on the low grounds of the Rivanna, about two miles 
above its principal fork, and opposite to some hills, on which had been an 
Indian town. It was of a spheroidical form, of about forty feet diameter 
at the base, and had been of about twelve feet altitude, though now 
reduced by the plough to seven and a half, having been under cultivation 
about a dozen years. Before this it was covered with treees of twelve 
inches diameter, and round the base was an excavation of five feet depth 
and width, from whence the earth had been taken of which the hillock 
was formed. I first dug superficially in several parts of it, and came to 
collections of human bones, at different depths, from six inches to three 
feet below the surface. These were lying in the utmost confusion, some 
vertical, some oblique, some horizontal, and directed to every point of the 
compass, entangled, and held together in clusters by the earth. Bones of 

108 William and Mary Quarterly 

the most distant parts were found together; as, for instance, the small 
bones of the foot in the hollow of a scull, many sculls would sometimes 
be in contact, lying on the face, on the side, on the back, top or bottom, 
so as - , on the whole, to give the idea of bones emptied promiscuously 
from a bag or basket, and covered over with earth, without any attention 
to their order. The bones of which the greatest numbers remained, 
were sculls, jaw-bones, teeth, the bones of the arms, thighs, legs, feet, 
and hands. A few ribs remained, some vertebrae of the neck and spine, 
without their processes, and one instance only of the bone which serves as 
a base for the vertebral column. The sculls were so tender, that they 
generally fell to pieces on being touched. The other bones were stronger. 
There were some teeth which were judged to be smaller than those of an 
adult; a scull, which, on a slight view, appeared to be that of an infant, 
but it fell to pieces on being taken out, so as to prevent satisfactory ex- 
amination; a rib, and a fragment of the under-jaw of a person about 
half grown; another rib of an infant; and part of the jaw of a child, 
which had not yet cut its teeth. This last furnishing the most decisive 
proof of the burial of children here, I was particular in my attention to it. 
It was part of the right half of the under jaw. The processes, by which 
it was articulated to the temporal bones, was entire; and the bone itself 
firm to where it had been broken off, which, as nearly as I could judge, 
was about the place of the eye-tooth. Its upper edge, wherein would 
have been the sockets of the teeth, was perfectly smooth. Measuring it 
with that of an adult, by placing their hinder processes together, its 
broken end extended to the penultimate grinder of the adult. This bone 
was white, all the others of a sand colour. The bones of infants being 
soft, they probably decay sooner, which might be the cause so few were 
found here. I proceeded then to make a perpendicular cut through the 
body of the barrow, that I might examine its internal structure. This 
passed about three feet from its center, was opened to the former surface 
of the earth, and was wide enough for a man to walk through and 
examine its sides. At the bottom, that is, on the level of the circumjacent 
plain, I found bones; above these a few stones, brought from a cliff a 
quarter of a mile off, and from the river one-eighth of a mile off; then 
a large interval of earth, then a stratum of bones, and so on. At one 
end of the section were four strata of bones plainly distinguishable; at 
the other, three ; the strata in one part not ranging with those in another. 
The bones nearest the surface were least decayed. No holes were dis- 
covered in any of them, as if made with bullets, arrows, or other weapons. 
I conjectured that in this barrow might have been a thousand skeletons. 
. . . Appearances certainly indicate that its has derived both origin 
and growth from the accustomary collection of bones, and deposition of 
them together; that the first collection had been deposited on the common 
surface of the earth, a few stones put over it, and then a covering of 
earth, that the second had been laid on this, had covered more or less of 

William and Mary Quarterly 109 

it in proportion to the number of bones, and was then also covered with 
earth; and so on." 2 

From the foregoing statement it is evident the mound had 
been greatly reduced by the plow at the time of Jefferson's ex- 
ploration of the site; since then it has entirely disappeared* 
However, it is an interesting and curious fact, that although the 
place of burial has been destroyed the name still remains, and 
an area of several acres is now referred to as "the Indian Grave." 
It was for the purpose of determining the true nature of "the 
Indian Gravef* that (the writer examined the site under the 
auspices of the Bureau of Ethnology, Smithsonian Institution. 
The work was carried on during June, 191 1. 

As already stated, the area in question occupies a portion of 
a broad and fertile bottom on the south bank of the Rivanna. 
At this point the river curves from west to southeast, the cliff, 
south of the river, extends in a rather straight line, close to the 
stream at both ends of the lowland, but distant nearly one-half 
miles near the middle of the plain. The "Indian Grave" is about 
midway of the level area. 

Some forty years ago there was exceptionally high water in 
the Rivanna, much of the lowland was submerged, the banks fell 
in and deep gullies were formed. The surface, to a depth of two 
or more feet, and at one point extending for more than two 
hundred feet from the river bank, was washed away. When 
the waters receded many objects of Indian origin were discovered 
in the vicinity of " the Indian Grave," and at one place human 
remains were encountered. In 191 1 that part of the site just 
south of the area washed over by the floods of forty years ago 
was examined. A trench thirty feet in length, connecting two 
excavations each about six feet square, was made parallel with 
the line of erosion. Five excavations were made at intervals 
of about forty feet, in a line extending south from the first 
trench, these averaged about eight feet square. Three trenches 
running south from the line of erosion were opened west of 
the first excavation. All were carried to a depth of three feet 

* Notes on the State of Virginia, Philadelphia, 1788, pp. 103-106. 

no William and Mary Quarterly 

or more. No human remains were discovered ; no evidence of 
burials was encountered. In seven of the nine excavations small 
fragments of pottery were found at an average depth of twenty 
inches; a few pieces of quartz and quartzite and pieces of char- 
coal occurred in the same excavations. No animal bones were 
discovered. This was evidently the site of a village, and the 
surface at the time the area was occupied was some twenty 
inches lower than at the present time. This increase represents 
the amount of alluvium deposited by the waters during periods 
of flood, but is no indication of great age. According to an old 
negro who has been on or about the site for more than sixty 
years, innumerable objects of aboriginal origin have, from time 
to time, been revealed by the plow. He described celts anu 
grooved axes, discoidals, pestles, and other forms. This was $n 
extensive aboriginal settlement, undoubtedly the site of an im- 
portant town of the Monacan. The burial mound probably stood 
at the edge of the village. 

We have already seen how, before the year 1700, the Mona- 
can ceased being recognized as a tribe, and no longer figured 
in the history of the colony. The remaining mcmoers of the 
tribe were probably widely scattered, some wondering from place 
to place, others living with neighboring tribes. But it is evident 
that scattered as they were, they for many years retained mem- 
ories or traditions of their old homes. The burial places of their 
ancestors were sacred spots, and were visited long after the vil- 
lages had disappeared. Such was the mound at "the Indian 
Grave." Jefferson, referring to mounds in general, but to the 
one he opened in particular, wrote: 

"But on whatever occasion they may have been made, they are of 
considerable notoriety among the Indians; for a party passing, about thirty 
years ago, through the part of the country where this barrow is, went 
through the woods directly to it, without any instructions or enquiry, and 
having staid about it some time, with expressions which were construed 
to be those of sorrow, they returned to the high road, which they had left 
about half a dozen miles to pay this visit, and pursued their journey." 

This visit to the burial place was evidently made about the 
year Moorman obtained his grant to the area, the year 1735. 

William and Mary Quarterly III 

And it is within reason to suppose the party consisted of some 
who had formerly lived in the nearby village. But we have 
record of another visit to the site, one made a century later. 
An old negro woman, reputed to have passed her hundredth 
birthday, and who was raised on the plantation, has related to 
the writer that when a child she several times saw parties of 
Indians stop there, and at night dance around a fire on, or near, 
"the Indian Grave." 

The name of this ancient settlement is not known, unless it 
is the site of Monassukapanough } shown on Smith's map a short 
distance north of Rassawck; however, on the map it is not placed 
on the river bank but a short way eastward. But it must be 
remembered Smith had not visited the country, and that mu<^ 
of his information was derived from Indians and others. 

The eastern boundary of the Siouan territory was clearly 
defined, but its western limits were rather obscure, although it 
undoubtedly extended beyond Jackson River. It is quite evident 
that when Europeans first reached the coasts of Virginia the in- 
terior country, now included within the limits of Louisa, Albe- 
marle, and Bath counties, though separated, was occupied by 
people of the same stock representing one cultural group. The 
custom of erecting mounds, similar to the one described by Jef- 
ferson, prevailed throughout the territory. We have already 
mentioned the visit to the mound on the Rivanna by a party of 
Indians after the neighboring village ceased to exist, and the 
people greatly reduced in numbers and scattered. In this con- 
nection it is of the greatest interest to know of visits to two 
other burial mounds by parties of Indians, both visits were pro- 
bably made early in the nineteenth century. In a communication 
to the Bureau of Ethnology some years ago, the late W. M. 
Ambler, of Louisa County, wrote regarding a burial mound on 
the bank of Dirty Swamp Creek : 

"I was told by Abner Harris, now deceased, that some Indians from 
the southwest visited this mound many years ago. They left their direct 
route to Washington at Staunton, and reached the exact spot traveling 
through the woods on foot. This has made me suppose that this mound 
was a noted one in Indian annals." 

H2 William and Mary Quarterly 

And again we have this most interesting reference to a large 
burial mound which stood on the lowland near the Cowpasture, 
or Wallawhutoola River, on the land of Warwick Gatewood, in 
Bath County: 

"Some years since, Col. Adam Dickinson, who then owned and lived 
on the land, in a conversation I had with him, related to me, that many 
years before that time, as he was sitting in his porch one afternoon, his 
attention was arrested by a company of strange looking men coming up 
the bottom lands of the river. They seemed to him to be in quest of 
something, when, all at once, they made a sudden angle, and went straight 
to the mound. He saw them walking over it and round and round; 
seeming to be engaged in earnest talk. After remaining a length of time, 
they left it and came to the house. The company, I think he told me, 
consisted of ten or twelve Indians ; all young men except one, who seemed 
to be born down with extreme old age. By signs they asked for something 
to eat; which was soon given them; after which they immediately 
departed." 8 

It is to be regretted that apparently no attempt was made to 
learn the names of the Indians, whence they came, or the reasons 
for the visit. But it is plausible to consider the different parties 
to have been formed of some whose forefathers were buried in 
the mounds. These and no others would have retained traditions 
of the sites of the villages of their ancestors, and no others would 
have made pilgrimages to their tombs. Therefore it is evident 
that descendants of the ancient Monacan were living in Virginia 
within a century, and still retained knowledge of their ancient 
settlements. As the party visiting the mound in Louisa County 
traveled from the southwest it may be they were from the settle^ 
ment in Amherst County. At the present time there are living 
along the foot of the Blue Ridge, in Amherst, a number of fam- 
ilies who possess Indian features and other characteristics of 
the aborigines. Their language contains many Indian words; 
but as yet no study has been made of the language. While these 
people may represent the last remnants of various tribes, still it 
is highly probable that among them are living the last of the 

David I. Bushnell, Jr. 

'Montanus," Virginia Historical Register, Vol. III., 1850, pp. 91-92. 

William and Mary Quarterly 113 


Compiled by Dr. Christopher Johnson, Baltimore, Md. 

I. Thomas 1 Hatton came to Maryland in 1648, with his- 
wife Margaret, his sons Robert and Thomas, and three servants. 
The following year, 1649, ne brought into the province his sister- 
in-law, Margaret Hatton, widow of his brother Richard, and 
her children William, Richard, Barbara, Elizabeth, Mary, and 
Eleanor Hatton (Md. Land Office, Lib. 2, fol. 613; Md. Archives, 
X., 259). He was commissioned Secretary of State 12 August, 
1648 (Md. Archives III., 217), and served until 29 March, 
1652, when he was temporarily deposed by the Parliamentary 
Commissioners (Ibid., 275). Reinstated 28 June following, he 
served until 22 July, 1654, when he was again deprived of his 
office by the Commissioners Bennett and Claiborne. He was 
killed at the battle of Severn, 1655, in Stone's unsuccessful at- 
tempt to assert the Proprietary's rights by force of arms. Sec- 
retary Hatton had two sons: 2. Robert, d. before 1675, appar- 
ently unmarried. 3. Thomas Hatton. 

3. Thomas 2 Hatton of St. Mary's Co., b. 14 March, 164a 
(Md. Arch., X., 86,) and d. 1675. In his will (dated 27 January, 
proved 4 February, 1675) he bequeaths to his "sister-in-law Bar- 
barie Hanson," personality which belonged to his first wife, and 
mentions his father-in-law, Randolph Hanson; his sister-in-law, 
Eliza: Hanson; his brother-in-law, Thomas Waughop; his wife, 
Elizabeth (executrix) ; his only son, 4 Thomas 3 ; and James John- 
son, Richard, Thomas, Timothy, Barbara, and Elizabeth Hanson, 
children of Randolph Hanson aforesaid and his wife. William 
Hatton, Randolph Hanson, and Thomas Dent are appointed over- 
seers. The testator was evidently twice married : first to a daugh- 
ter of Randolph Hanson, who died without issue, and secondly to 
Elizabeth, daughter of John Waughop of Piney Point, St. Mary's 
Co., who names in his will (proved 18 March, i6jy/S), his son 
Thomas Waughop, his grandson Thomas Hatton. 

H4 William and Mary Quarterly 

4. Thomas 3 Hatton, only son of Thomas and Elizabeth 
(Waughop) Hatton, died in August, 1701. He married Susanna, 
daughter of Col. Nehemiah Blackiston and Elizabeth, daughter 
of Thomas Gerard, his wife (see Md. Hist. Mag. II., 58), and 
left an only child, Elizabeth Hatton. 

1. Richard 1 Hatton, brother of Secretary Thomas Hatton, 
died before 1649, leaving a widow, Margaret, and the children 
named above, who came to Maryland in that year. The widow, 
Mrs. Margaret Hatton, married Lieutenant, later Captain, Rich- 
ard Banks (Md. Arch., X., 259-260). The children of Richard 
and Margaret Hatton were: 2. William Hatton, d. 1713; mar. 
1st. Elizabeth (living 1675), daughter of Rev. William Wilkin- 
son; 2d. Mary (d. 1730), and left issue by his second 

wife. 3. Richard Hatton of Poplar Hill, St. Mary's Co., d. Feb., 
1675. He married Anne, only child of Col. John Price, and had 
a son Richard wftb probably died young. Richard Hatton's will 
(dated 5 Feb., proved 14 Feb., 1675) mentions his wife Anne 
(executrix) ; his son Richard; and his cousin (i. e., niece) Eliza: 
Henson. His brothers William Hatton and Randolph Hanson 
are appointed overseers. 4. Barbara 2 Hatton. 5. Elizabeth Hat- 
ton, mar. 1st. Luke Gardiner (d. 1674), 2d. Hon. Clement Hill 
(d. s. p. 1708). 6. Eleanor Hatton (b. 1642; d. 1725) mar. 1st, 
Maj. Thomas Brooke (d. 1676), 2d. Col. Henry Darnall (d. 
1711). 7. Mary Hatton, mar. Zachary Wade (d. 1678). 

4. Barbara 2 Hatton, daughter of Richard and Margaret, 
was born about 1634, came to Maryland with her mother in 1649, 
and was living in 1698. She married 1st,, in 1650 (Md. Arch., 
X., 12), James Johnson of Poplar Hill, St. Mary's County; 2nd, 
Randolph Hanson of Poplar Hill, later of Charles County, whose 
will (dated 28 Sept., 1698, proved 16 April, 1699) mentions his 
wife Barbara as then living. Barbara's children by this mar- 
riage are named in the will of her cousin, Thomas Hatton, cited 
above. Her first husband, James Johnson, came to Maryland in 
1647 (m3. Hist. Mag., VII.', 310) and settled in Poplar Hill- 
Hundred, St. Mary's County. He was commissioned, 24 April, 
1655, a Justice of St. Mary's County (Md. Arch., X., 413), 
and was a member of the General Assembly of Maryland in 1657 



_.7' '.1 -~ ~~'-r [C i~ 7717:1 .777771 — 

I 17-7 Z_ 


~ 17 

77. 7 

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u6 William and Mary Quarterly 

Note by the Editor 

Probably William Hatton, who figures in the York Co., Va. records, 
was William, son of Richard Hatton, brother of Secretary Thomas Hat- 
ton. On February 26, 1660, , the court of York County complained that 
"when about three weeks since M r Edmond Petters com r in Quorum 
sent his warrant for y e appearance of William Hatton before him on 
sight," Hatton said "he was not then at leisure, but when he was at 
leisure he would come before him." The court, deeming this a dangerous 
contempt, ordered the sheriff to take Hatton into custody. On October 
24, 1662, his presumption once more excited the anger of the court. He 
was presented by Edward Wade, one of the church wardens of Hampton 
Parish, for abusing several of the justices and calling them "Coopers, 
Hogg-trough Makers, Pedlars, Cobblers, Tailers, Weavers and saying 
they are not fitting to sit where they doe sit." But upon his acknolwedging 
his "abuses and scandals," he was forgiven by the court. However, Major 
William Barber, one of the justices, had been a cooper. There is also 
recorded at Yorktown a power of attorney from Richard Hatton, of the 
County of Warwick, gentleman, to Thomas Penryn to implead John 
Sandifer dated Aug. 26, 1661. 

William and Mary Quarterly 117 

(Concluded from Vol. XXIIL, 30.) 

Dec. 29, 1788. — Thomas Tinsley & Susan, his wife, of St. Paul, 
to W m Woody of St. Paul 126 a. adj. W™ Gardner on 
East, Totopotomoy creek on South, Hon bIe Peter Lyons 
on West, & Reuben Gardner on North. 

July 21, 1790. — John Tinsley, of Hanover, 1o Peter Christian 
100 a. called "Bear Garden" in St. Paul, adj. on North 
W m Tinsley, Jas. Cross, Henry Cross, John Penny, 
Richard Glazebrook. Witness Robt. Priddy, W m 
Tinsley, Chas. Tinsley. 

Sept. 12, 1791. — Thos. Tinsley to W m Anderson. Aisken Bur- 
kett & W m Fowlkes, Merchants of the City of London, 
Lots in Hanover town. 

Dec. 22, 1789. — Bernard Todd, of Charlotte Co. app'ts W m Meri- 
wether of Louisa Co. his att'y, to settle &c. 22000 acres, 
for wh. warrant was made to W m Kennedy. 

Feb. 17, 1784. — W m Toler & Hannah, his wife, to John Parker 
141 a. wh. the said W m Toler bought of Jas. Toler & 
Mary, his wife, by deed made Mar. 4, 1779, in St. Paul 
Parish, Adj. Jas. Shelton, the deep Swamp — Witness 
Benj. Toler. 

July 6, 1786. — W m Toler & Hannah, his wife, of Hanover, to W m 
Tinsley 300 a. adj. Charles Carter to South Branch 
of Mechump's Creek to Matthew Pate, North fork of 
Mechump's Creek. 

Dec, 23, 1788. — Charles Toler, of Hanover, to Peter Winn 100 a. 
on Grassy Swamp, Elizabeth Butler. 

Mar. 23, 1 791. — Adam Toler & Mary, his wife, to Nathaniel West 
Dandridge 150 a., a part of Toler's homestead, called 
Bosewell's old tract on Allen's creek. 

n8 William and Mary Quarterly 

June 3, 1788. — Hamilton Tomlinson & Fanny, his wife, of St. 
Paul's Parish, to John Mileston 47 acres being a part of 
tract which said Tomlinson bought of Samuel Pearson, 
North side of Pipen tree road. 

May It, 1784. — Valentine Tucker, of Hanover, & Elizabeth, his 
wife, to Joseph Gathright 69 a. adj. Joshua Acre, & 
said Gathright. 

May 5, 1784. — Thomas Tucker & Tabitha, his wife, of St. Paul, 
to W m Row 7 a. adj. John Hallingses — on road from 
Bottom's bridge to WaddyV warehouse adj. David 
Blackwell, Gideon Tucker. 

Dec. 3, 1789. — Whereas Thomas & Gideon Tucker sued John 
Adams & W m Rowe, concerning right to land whereon 
John Adams lives & part of that whereon W m Rowe 

Mar. 20, 1790. — David Tullock to Nathan Dickerson 141 a. adj. 

Mar. 18, 1785. — Joseph Tunstall & Jane, his wife, of Louisa, to 

Edwin Fleet 1/7 part of undivided tract in St. Paul 

, Parish, formerly the dower land of Sarah Pierce, relict 

of John Pierce & which said Jane Tunstall holds as 

coheir of said John Pierce. 

Nov. 11, 1783. — Ann Turner (widow) & Andrew Castlen of 
Hanover. Marriage contract. 
Witness Jedediah Turner & James Blackwell. 

Oct. 4, 1787. — William Turner & Susan, his wife, of Hanover, to 
. Sarrows Dinmore, of Caroline Co., 75 a. adj. Parmer, 
Rich d Owen & Jno Winston. 

Sept. 3, 1787. — John Turner & Sarah, his wife, of St. Paul, to 
Major Winfree 171 a. ("except J4 of acre being the 
burying ground where my Father & ancestors lay") 
adj. Jedediah Turner, Anne McDougle, John McDougle 
dec d , John Street — Johnson Mill pond. Also excepting 
the dower of Ann Castlin, mother of the said John 

William and Mary Quarterly 119 

Nov. I, 1787. — Susan Turner, wife of W ra Turner, to be examined 
by Nathan Massie, Joseph Payne & Sam 1 Pryor, Jus- 
tices of Goochland Co., in regard to her consent to the 
sale of land on Oct. 4, 1787 by her husband W m Turner, 
- Larrows, Dimmer &c. 

Jan. 5, 1792. — W m Turner & Susan, his wife, of Goochland, to 
Evan Ragland of St, Martin — adj. Dimmer — being part 
of the land bought of Isaac Winston by said W m Turner. 

Nov. 21, 1790. — Wilson Trevilian & Alice X, his wife, of Han- 
over to Thomas Anderson 24 a. on 2 nd fork of Pamunkey 
adj. Thos. Anderson. 

Jan. 1, 1790. — Charles Tyler, Jr., & Rebekah his wife, of St, 
Paul, to Thomas Tinsley 23 a. on Deep Swamp. 

Dec. 6, 1784. — Sarah Tyree dec d by W m Winston, her only acting 
executor, to W m Bobby Winston 125 a. South side To- 
topotomy creek, being the same received by said Sarah 
Tyree from her husband, Benj. Tyree, dec d , & bought 
by the said Benj. Tyree of Samuel Tyree. 

Nov. 4, 1784. — Benj. Tyree dec d by John Richardson his only 
, acting ex tor to W m Bobby Winston 128 a. called "Gra- 
ham," south side of Totopotomoy creek. Said land willed 
to the said Benj. Tyree by his Father David Tyree dec d , 
& which the said David Tyree bought from James 

Aug. 19, 1788.— Robt. Via Sr., of St Paul, to his son Robert Via, 
Jr., household goods. \ 

Sept. 2„ 1790. — Claudius Vial to W m Manson, both of Hanover 

May 7, 1792. — John Vest, of Louisa, to Charles Vest 79 acres 
adj. Charles Vest, John Thornton & Thos. Bingham. 

Nov. 2, 1784. — Rebecca Henson, Charles 'Yeamans & Obediah 
Farmer, of Hanover Co., to Thomas Smith of Louisa 
48 acres adj. Fountain. 

June 3, 1784. — Geddes Winston (with W rm Winston Sec'ty.) bond 
as sheriff. 

120 William and Mary Quarterly 

Jan. 6, 1785. — W m Boby Winston to W ra Winston (to secure 
him for being- security for land bought last Dec.) 50 a. 
adj. Fred Tyler's & wh. was given to said W m Boby 
Winston by will of late Thomas Winston. 
1795.— W m Winston (ex t0r of Sarah Tyree) to W m Boby 
Winston, South side Totopotomoy Creek, said land left 
to Sarah Tyree by her husband, Benj. Tyree, & which 
Benj. Tyree bought of Samuel Tyree. 
1785. — W m Bobby x Winston to Chapman Austin (for 
paying to ex tor of will of Benj. Tyree) 150 a., Winston's 
Mill Swamp, Main Creek. 

Nov. 4, 1785. — Geddes Winston to John Gervis 100 a. on Half 
Sink road & adj. said Winston. 

Feb. 6, 1785. — Geddes Winston to John Taylor & Chapman 
Austin, by order of court. 

Nov. 2. 1786. — William Overton Winston (with Samuel Winston 
& W m Winston) Sheriff's bond. 

Dec' 1, 1786.— W m Bojbby Winston & W m Winston to David 
Whitlock 198 a. called "Tyree's tract." 

Apr. 5. 1787. — Isaac W r inston & Lucy, his wife, to W m Turner 
262 a. adj. John Winston. 

April 4, 1787. — Deed to W m Pollard to land on main road, Thil- 
man, Wingfield at Elbow in C. H. road. 
Hastings Marks' will in Hanover Nov. 5, 1761. 

1. Left his wife Mary life interest (she is alive at this 

date). She is designated "as relict of Hastings 
Marks of Louisa.") 

2. Son Thomas Marks, bought out his brothers & sis- 

ters, also bought of Edw. Boss & Judith his wife 
Sept. 4, 1784 — 144 acres — & sells it to W m Pollard. 
He is of Hanover. 

3. Son Peter Marks, of Albemarle. 

William and Mary Quarterly 121 

4. Son John Marks, of Louisa. 

5. Son James Marks, of Georgie m. Elizabeth. 

6. Son Hastings Marks, of Albemarle. 

7. Son Samuel Marks, of Albemarle. 

8. Daughter Sarah Marks m. James Winston, of Louisa. 
Dec. 29, 1786. — W m Winston to Gcddes Winston (mortgage), 

1300 a. Forks of Totopotomoy Creek, to pay estate &c. 
of Benj. Tyree. 

May 1, 1788.— W m B. Winston (with Jno B. Johnston) Sheriff 

June 4, 1788. — W m Littlepage, W m Winston & Mary Ann (his 
wife) & Geddes Winston, of Hanover, to Ann Sydnor, 
153 a. adj. John Carter Littlepage, Benj. Thomson. 

May 2, 1786.— W m Winston & Bobby Winston to David Whit- 
lock 34 a. part of land formerly belonging to Benj. 
Tyree dec d , adj. said Whitlock. 

Oct. 13, 1788. — Geddes Winston, of Honover, to W m Radford, 
of Goochland — negroes. 

Apr. 28, 1789. — W m Winston, of Hanover, to Jno. Carter Little- 
page 260 a., (212 being a part of tract willed by Thomas 
Winston to W m Winston after the death of W a Little- 
page & the remaining 50 a. was willed by said Thomas 
Winston to W m Bobby Winston & bought by said W m 
Winston, — adj. said Winston to creek dividing s'd land 
from the Academy land below s'd W'inston & Little- 

Dec. 27, 1786. — W m Bobby Winston to W m Winston — formerly 
a tract bought of ex tor of Henry & Sarah Tyree 250. 

July 2, 1788. — Geedes Winston to his son Sam 1 Jordon Winston, 
both of Hanover, where said Geddes Winston formerly 
lived on Totopotomoy creek. 

Jan. 23, 1790. — Geddes Winston to Jno. D. Blair the Glebe 300 
a. South side Totopotomoy creek — Timberlake — W n 
Tinsley. Witness Sam 1 Winston & W m Winston. 

122 William and Mary Quarterly 

Nov. 5, 1790. — Geddes Winston to his son W m Winston, Jr. farm 
called Merry Oaks, head of Totopotomoy. 

Oct. 7, 1790. — Geddes Winston app'ts Walter Davis his att'y. 

Nov. 2, 1780. — John Wing-field. St. Martin, & Frances his wife 
to Benj. Oliver 325 a. — homestead. 

Oct. 6, 1783. — John Wing-field of St. Paul & Frances his wife 
to Nathan Bowe (for 90J/2 a. being a part of Daniel 
Fitch Patrick, dec d , & w'h. was willed by him to his son 
John Fitch Patrick, adj. said Wingfield) 100 a. in St. 
Paul — Henry Bowe's spring branch — Burnley's line. 

July 30, 1783. — Littleberry Wade & Susan X his wife to Alex 
CrafTord Burnett 1523^ a. head of Black Creek, adj. 
said Wade, Julius Lane, across road leading from New 
Castle to Bottom's Bridge. 

Nov. 13, 1783.— John Wingfield Sr. app'ts his friends David 
Meriwether & Edw d Butler & his son Thomas Wing- 
field his attorneys. 

Jan. 11, 1784. — Robt. White, of St. Paul, heir of my sister Lucy 
White dec d , of Henrico, to our mother Lucy White. 
Witness Ann White — Jesse White. 

May 30, 1784. — Richard Winn & Ann his wife to Jesse Cross, 
Jr. — wife's acknowledgement. 

Jan. 21, 1785. — John W r inn, Sr., to John W'inn, Jr., 300 a. Grass 
Swamp — Buck Branch mill pond — John Austin. 
1785. — James White & Sarah, his wife, to Thos. Meux of 
New Kent 218 a. Thos. Meux at the time in posses- 
sion — Rice W r olf Pit branch on John Barker's line — 
John White, James Lipscomb. 
I 7^5. — John Woodson, of Goochland, & Dorothy his wife, 
to son John Woodson, Jr., 710 a. Permunkey River, 
John Glenn, Richard Anderson's, to mountain road, up 
to Col. W Tm Dandridge's on north side of South Pamun- 

William and Mary Quarterly 123 

July 2, 1785. — John Wingfield, Jr., & James Bullock, attorneys 
for Thos. Wingfield, to Jno Brown 533 a. adj. Garland 
Anderson, W m Thacker, Isaac Winston. Begin at Ed- 
ward Bullock's old mill, up to mouth of Beaver Dam 

July 26, 1785. — Sarah Wicker, widow of James Wicker, to her 
son-in-law John Hughes. 

Sept. 3, 1785. — Benj. W r alker, son & heir of John Walker, dec d , 
late of Hanover, Physician, to Gen 1 Thos. Nelson, of 
York, 593 a. called Bullfield in St. Martin's, North 
branch of Pamunkey. 

Dec. 1, 1785. — Thos. Wingfield, of Honover (with Ed. Butler, 
of Louisa, his security) Trustees for John Wingfield, 
of Georgia. 

May 4, 1786. — William W r alker & Kesiah his wife, of King Wil- 
liam, to Moses Harris 100 a. on Stone horse branch 
adj. Julian Lacy, & wh. was willed to me by W m Walker, 
dec d , of Hanover. 

Oct. 16, 1786.— David Whitlock, & Martha, his wife, to Mathias 
Sims 187 a. adj. Littleberry Wade's, Thos. Meux, Jno. 
Blackwell dec d . 

Oct. 28, 1786.— Sisily Woody, of St. Paul, to son William 

Oct. 28,, 1 786.— William Woody of St. Paul to Wm. Macon 17 a. 

Oct. 2, 1786. — Paul Woolfolk, executor of Paul Thilman, dec d , 
to John Penny. 

Mar. 1, 1787. — John Woodson & Dorcthea, his wife, of Gooch- 
land, to Pleasant Atkinson on South side Mountain 
Road, Col. Rich d Anderson, Col. W m Dandridge, Jno. 
Woodson, Jr. 

Apr. 3, 1787. — Jas. White to Chas. Talley 15 a,, branch of Mate- 
dequin creek — White's homestead — Fox branch, Talleys 
Spring branch ; witness Bart Anderson, Elisha White, 
Jas. Pollard, Nat Anderson. 

124 William and Mary Quarterly 

Nov. 30, 1788. — John Wingfield, Sr., appointed W m Harris his 

Oct. 7, 1788. — Jas. Watson to Daniel Hawes & Royall Allen — 

Jan. 20, 1789. — W m Woody to Thos. Tinsley for 5 shillings 126 
a. St. Paul, Totopotomoy Creek, Honorable Peter 
Lyons, Reuben Garden. 

Oct. 1, 1788. — Augustine Woolfolk, of Louisa, to his son Jos. 
Woolfork ]/ 2 of 572 a., where said Jos. lives adj. Ed- 
mund Eggleston, W m Jones, John Anthony, John Seay, 
Ezekiak Seay, W m Spicer, Jos. Spicer, John Lavely. 

Mar. 2, 1789. — Shadrack Watts to Lucy Hewlett — (negroes). 

Mar. 9, 1789. — Jeremiah" Wade to Littleberry Wade, Sr., North 
fork of Matedequin Creek, being land willed by W n 
Wade dec 5 to his son said Jeremiah, except mill & 10 
acres of land sold to Col. John Syme, adj. Samuel Fox, 
Jas. W r hite, Nich. Talley, Chas. Talley, Fork of Mate- 
dequin Creek. 

June 2, 1789. — Ann W T hitlock, David & Martha, his wife, to Benj. 
Oliver, part where party of I st part now lives on road 
from Meadow bridge to New Castle, adj. said Whitlock, 
Lemay's corner. 

Mar. 8, 1788.— John M. Walker, son of Dr. John Walker, dec d , 
to W rm O. Winston 150 a. called Purrear, adj. Chas. 
Carter, Mary Jones, also 157 a. called Licking hole, adj. 
Chas. Carter, Benj. Toler & said Winston. 

Sept. 2, 1790. — Jos. Watson to Mary i\llen, for 5 shillings, 754 
a. adj. Robt Anderson, Thos. Puryear, South Anna 
River, iVllen's creek, John Hughes. 

Sept. 2, 1790. — Jos. Watson to Thos. Puryear 210 a. Robt. An- 
derson, Johnson. 

Oct. 7, 1790. — Nathaniel Wilkinson, surviving executor of Sir 
John Clay, dec d , John Watkins & Mary, his wife, to 
Henry Watkins "whereas by a decree of the high court, 
of chancery Nov. 13, 1787, in a suit brought by the said 

William and Mary Quarterly 125 

Nathaniel Wilkinson & Richmond Chapman Since de- 
ceased, Ex tor9 of the said John Clay deceased, Geo.. 
John, Henry & Peter Clay, sons & devisees of said John 
Clay against the said John Watkins & Mary his wife, 
Henry Watkins & Elizabeth, his wife, & Augustine 
Eltham. It was ordered that 464 acres (the land de- 
vised by the will of Geo. Hudson & formerly in the oc- 
cupation of the said John Clay), St. Paul Parish, 
Machump's creek, 464 a. 
1791. — John M. Walker of St. Paul, Hanover, to Jere- 
miah Hooper 6y 2 a., formerly owned by Jno. Meri- 
wether. Tinsley, Frances Hog. 

Feb. 2, 1 791. — John M. Walker, of Bedford, to Frances Hog of 
Hanover 23 a. 

Apr. 6, 1 791. — Edw. Walton to his children & gr. children, son 
Ison Walton & son Thomson Walton & his children, 
son Richmond Walton. 

Mar. 6, 1785. — Joseph Watson to his sister Sarah Watson 118 
a., partly in Hanover, Goochland & Henrico — John Wal- 
ton, father of said Joseph Walton, bought this land 
from W m Barker. 

Oct. 11, 1790. — Henry W r atkins, of St. Paul, Hanover, to John 
Watkins of Woodford Co., Ky. 

Jan. 16, 1785. — Benj. Walker to Thos. Nelson, Jr., of Williams- 
burg, land near Bullfield. 

May 31, 1 791. — W m Wingfield & Eliza, his wife, & Rhoda Davis 
to John Austin, Jr. 1 — Totopotomoy creek. Chapman 
Austin, James Turner. 

May 4, 1786. — Margaret Wright, of Hanover, to John Thornton, 
on New Found River (a part of Alsup Yarbough dec d , 
tract left to his daughter Margaret Wright. 

Aug. I, 1791. — Isom Walton & his wife Elizabeth (St. Martin), 
to Sam 1 Moody, of Henrico — 87 a. Roan Horse branch. 

Mar. 12, 1791. — John Winston & Thos. Macon, Justices; where- 
as Elisha White, gent., & Lucy his wife, sold Mar. 11, 
1791, to Thos. Butler, &c. 

126 William and Mary Quarterly 

July 4, 1791. — John Winn & Mary his wife to Hezekiah Winn. 

May 21, 1792. — Gecldes Winston, & Mary, his wife, & Sam Jor- 
dan Winston, to Thos. Austin 8 acres, Chickahominy, 
Izards Swamp, adj. Nelson Anderson, on main run 
called ditched run to a run wh. Col. Nathaniel Wilkin- 
son formerly contended was the main run. 

May 21, 1792. — Geddes Winston & Mary, his wife, of the City 
of Richmond and Samuel J. Winston, of Hanover, to 
Nathan Wilkinson, of Henrico $}i a., Izard's Pond, 
Chickahominy — John Winston. & W m Isaac Winston as 
to signature in deed Apr. 5, 1787, to W m Turner 200 
a. on waters of Beaver Dam. 

June 30, 1790. — Geddes Winston to Sam 1 J. W r inston, both of 
Hanover, 160 a., Chickahominy Swamp, Royster Spring" 
branch, adj. Nelson Anderson. Witness Edward Wins- 
ton, W m Winston, W m B. Winston, Jr. 

June 30, 1790. — Sam 1 Jordan Winston to Geddes W r inston 160 a. 
Chickahominy Swamp, Royster Spring branch &c. Wit- 
ness as above. 

Aug. 4, 1 79 1. — Isaac Winston app'ts as his att'y Walter Over- 


As is well known, the Virginians of the older generation 
pronounced "James" as if spelt "Jeames" or "J ernes -" In ex- 
amining a map of London and its environs dated 1563, now in 
the London Museum, formerly Stafford House, I found that "St. 
James Park," even then in existence, is spelt on the face of the, 
map "St. Jemes Park/' It is evident from this that the old Vir- 
ginia pronunciation of "James" goes back as far as the sixteenth 
century if not earlier. Another interesting object in this Museum 
is the painted wooden statue of an Indian warrior used as the 
sign of a London tobacco shop in the seventeenth century. 

Philip Alexander Bruce. 

William and Mary Quarterly 127 

Communicated by G. C. Callahan, Philadelphia, Penn. 

In the name of God Amen. I William Custis of the County 
of Accomac, being aged and weak of body but of perfect and 
sound mind and memory, do make and ordain this my last Will 
and Testament. 

First I commit my soul to Almighty God who gave it me, 
my body to the Earth to be buried in a Christian manner and as 
for what worldly estate it hath pleased God to bless me with I 
give and bequeath as followeth : Imprimis — I give and be- 
queath unto my loving wife Bridget Custis to her, her heirs or 
assigns forever my five slaves hereafter named (viz) Joe, Robin, 
Sue, Nancy and Daniel — likewise two hundred acres of land 
which Churchill Darby is now my tenant upon, to her and her 
heirs forever; likewise I give unto my said wife Bridget all my 
personal estate as goods and chattels (excepting what I have 
already given in a Deed of Gift to my daughter Bridget Custis) 
to her my said wife and her heirs ; Likewise I give to my said 
wife Bridget a third part of all my lands and Islands and all 
my orchards and houses (besides the two hundred acres of land 
above given) to my said wife Bridget during her natural life. 

Item — I give unto my daughter Bridget Custis and to her 
heirs lawfully begoten on her body (excepting what is above 
given) all my lands, Islands, Marshes, orchards and buildings, 
but if my said daughter Bridget should die without heirs as 
aforesaid then the lands &c. given to my said daughter Bridget , 
I give to my granddaughter Joanna Custis Hope and her heirs 
lawfully begotten on her body and in case of my said grand- 
daughter Joanna Custis Hope shall die without heirs as afore- 
said then I give all my said lands, Islands, Marshes, Orchards 
and buildings to my wife Bridget Custis her heirs and assigns 

128 William and Mary Quarterly 

Item. I give unto my granddaughter Joanna Custis Hope 
when she arrives to the age of eighteen years or on the day of 
her marriage (provided my wife Bridget should die without dis- 
posing of them) two of the slaves given to my wife aforesaid, 
viz: — Joe and Daniel and also the two hundred acres of land 
above given my wife — provided my wife Bridget should die 
without disposing of it, to her the said Joanna Custis Hope and 
her heirs lawfully begotten on her body, but if the said Joanna 
Custis Hope should die without heirs as aforesaid, then I give 
the said two slaves and the said two hundred acres of land to 
my daughter Bridget and her heirs forever. I give unto my said 
Grandaughter Joanna Custis Hope and to her heirs lawfully 
begotten three slaves, viz : — Harry, Betty and Sarah and their 
increase, they being the slaves I lent to my daughter, Joanna 
Custis Hope, and if my said granddaughter should die without 
heirs aforesaid, then I give the said slaves with all their increase 
to my daughter Bridget and her heirs forever. I also give unto 
my said grandaughter (provided she lives) after my wife 
Bridget's decease twenty head of cattle and two feather beds 
and furniture ; likewise I give unto my said grandaughter Joanna 
Custis Hope sufficient diet, washing, lodging and apparel at my 
house till she comes to the age of eighteen years or the day of 
marriage to be given her by them that possess my estates. My 
will is further that if my wife should die without disposing of 
the two hundred acres of land aforesaid and the two slaves, viz: 
Joe and Daniel aforesaid — then my daughter Bridget to enjoy 
the said land and two slaves until that my grandaughter arrives 
at the age of eighteen years or the day of her marriage. 

Lastly: I make and ordain my loving wife and my daughter 
Bridget to be my Executrix ot this my last will and testament, 
hereby revoking all former wills by me made as witness my hand 
and seal this 29 day of Novr 1725. The words (viz) her or on 
the day of her marriage, to my wife interlined before signing 
or sealing 

Wm. Custis. (Seal). 

William and Mary Quarterly 129 

Signed, sealed and delivered 
in the presence of 

Robt. Coleburn, The within last will and testament of 

Wm. Burton Col. William Custis, Dec'd, was proved in 

Charles McClester, open court of Accomack County by the 
Will Wood. oaths of Robt. Coleburne and William 

v Wood two, of the witnesses to the same 

and allowed to be a probaceon thereof &c. 

November ye 1, 1726, and ye Court admitted 

ye said will to Record. 

Recorded November ye 16, 1726. 

Vol. 1 71 5 to 1729 p. 262. 

Accomac Co. Va. 
Endorsed : 


Col. William Custis. 

130 William and Mary Quarterly 


By R. M. Sheild. 

(See Quarterly, V., 22-24.) 

Addenda — Sheild Family, following out article in William 
and Mary College Quarterly, Vol. V., No. 1.: 

72. Frederick Augustus Sheild, born May 10, 1830. Came 
to Iowa in 1855, settling in Harrison County. Farmer, 
merchant, cabinet maker. Married Susan McNealy (B. 
May 17, 1835) at Magnolia, Harrison County, Iowa, 
April 8, 1857. Fredk A. died Jan. 25, 1881. Issue: 

Marcellus Crocker, B. April 6, 1858. 
Julian E., B. Nov. 2, 1861. 

M. Cornelia Johnson, Nov. 30, 1891, died Nov. 21, 
1893. No issue. 

Widow of Fredk A. still living with family in Winona, Minn. 

Marcellus Crocker Sheild, Sr. (B. A pi. 6, 1858), commercial 
railroad agent. Married Emma Schlatter at Bellevue, 
Jackson County; Iowa, June 17, 1884, died Winona Minn., 
March 17, 1910. Widow Emma still living. Issue: 

Marcellus Crocker Sheild, Jr., address assistant clerk, 
Committee on Appropriations, House of Repre- 
sentatives, Washington, D. C, B. April 13, 1885. 
•Married Harriet P. Morgan, Winona, Minn., Oct. 
26, 1910. Issue: 

Morgan Tawney, B. Aug. 6, 191 1. 

Frances Allyn, B. Oct. 26, 1913. 

Mercedes Carrie, B. March 22, 1887, living in Winona, 

Rexford Monroe, B. Nov. Nov. 29, 1889, lawyer, 
Winona, Minnesota. 

William and Mary Quarterly 131 

By W. G. Stanard. 

(See V., 200; VI., 240.) 

Philip Wade Thornton married Lucy Brockenbrough and had 
issue : 

1. Champe Brockenbrough, married Elizabeth Grammer of 

2. John Tayloe, married Ann , 3. Wade Augustine ; 4. 

Charles Presley. 

Issue of Champe B Thornton 5 and Elizabeth Grammer, was: 

•Champe B. Thornton, Jr. m. Laura Stettenious (issue — Champe 
B III, Heber Leslie Thornton, Grayson Lomax Thornton, 
and Mattie Roselie Thornton m. Leland Conness. 

•Chas. Presley Thornton (Champe 5 ) — m. Miss Champe Fitzhugh 
1 (no issue). 

•Grammar Thornton (Champe 5 ) died unmarried. 

•Rosena Thornton — m. David Bernard Powers (issue — David Ber- 
nard 7 Jr., Elizabeth Grammer 7 — m. R. H. Seward; Rosena 
Gertrude 7 — m. W. T. Holloway; James Thomas 7 ; Frances 
Brockenbrough — m. C. A. Holloway (issue — Frances Pow- 
ers 8 ) ; Chas. Presley 7 ; Jennie Taylor 7 ; and William Thorn- 

•Julius Fitzhugh Thornton (Champe 5 ) — m. Miss Florence War- 
ner of Baltimore (issue — Julia 7 — m. Rev. Ziegler; Charles 
Wade 7 ; Elizabeth Grammer 7 ; Mary Warner 7 ). 

•John Tayloe Thornton (Champe 5 ) — m. Miss Louise Disney (is- 
sue — Elizabeth Grammer 7 ; Louise Beatrice 7 ). 

•Tillie Grammer Thornton (Champe 5 ) m. 

132 William and Mary Quarterly 

•Arthur Presley Thornton (Champe 5 ) — m. 1st Miss Leslee 
Thompson (issue — Arthur Leslie) ; 2nd Miss Elizabeth New- 
man (issue — Barbour, Frances). 

6 Chas. Wade Thornton (Champe 5 ) died unmarried. 

Issue of Philip Wade Thornton 4 and Lucy Brockenbrough 
T., in addition to four sons above mentioned, two daughters. 

( 6 ) Charlotte Belson Thornton' 5 — m. Richard Ball Mitchell of 
Northumberland County (issue — Arthur Spicer 6 — m. Eliza- 
beth Carter Snead ; Joseph Dowman 6 — m. Louise Morrison 
of Gate City, Va. ; Richard Ball 5 — m. Miss Daisy Peters of 
Bristol, Tenn. ; Austin Brockenbrough 6 — m. Miss Bessie 
Aylett, d. of Col. Wm. Aylett of King William County. 

( 6 )Lucy Austin Thornton 5 (P. W. T.*). 

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William and Mary Quarterly 143 


Lee. — Thomas Lee, who settled in Prince Edward County, 
Virginia, in 1747. Was his wife named Mary? Did he have a 
son named Needham? — Mrs. Peter A. Boyle, No. 1025 South 
Seventeenth Street, Birmingham, Alabama. 

Strother. — "Please permit me to call your attention to an 
error in 'Strother Family/ on p. 300 of April, 1914, issue of 
William and Mary College Quarterly: the 'William Strother, 
Gent.' had six children, all daughters, as named, but no son. 
The '(1) Anthony,' was his brother, b. 1710, d. 1765, and was 
guardian of all of William's children except Alice, who probably 
was the eldest child and had married Henry Tyler before Anthony 
was appointed guardian of the other children. William Strother 
was sheriff and justice of King George and a vestryman of the 
parish, he was also a Burgess from that county from 1727 to 
date of his death in 1732." — Henry Strother, Fort Smith,, 

Eldridge. — In "Brunswick Marriage Bonds," Vol. XX., 200, 

the paragraph "1771, Nov. 25, Thomas Edwards and Sarah El- 
dridge" should read "1771, Nov. 25, Thomas Edmunds and Sarah 
Eldridge." The will (proved in 1751 in Brunswick Co.) of Eliza- 
beth Stith, widow of Thomas Eldridge (XX., 205), shows that 
she had by the Eldridge marriage Aristotle, Sarah, Howell, Kath- 
erine and Thomas Eldridge. Of these Sarah Eldridge married 
Thomas Edmunds, son of Col. Nicholas Edmunds, of Sussex- 
In "Sussex Marriage Bonds," Quarterly XL, 268-270, Nicholas. 
Edwards is said to have married in 1755 Mary Nicholson, widow 
of John Nicholson.. Nicholas Edwards should be Nicholas Ed- 

In the Eldridge Pedigree Quarterly XX., page 207 : 
"7. Capt. William 2 Eldridge (Thomas 1 ) lived in Sussex- 
County, where he died April 17, 1712. (Quarterly XIV., p. 5.) 

He married Anne , who married 2dly. John Cargill, son oi' 

Rev. John Cargill, of Surry." 

144 William and Mary Quarterly 

This should be rewritten and read : 

"7. Capt. William 2 Eldridge (Thomas 1 ) lived in Sussex 
County, where he died April 17, 1772. (Quarterly, XIV., p. 5.} 
He married Anne Jones, daughter of Richard Jones, of Surry, 
who died in 1774. She married 2dly. John Cargill, grandson of 
Rev. John Cargill, of Surry." 

The will of Richard Jones, dated Feb. 14, 1774, was proved 
in Surry Co., Mch. 22, 1774, and names wife Anne, sons Hamilton, 
James, Richard, John, Robert, William and Nathaniel and daugh- 
ters Susannah and Anne. He was born in 1703 and died Feb. 
8, 1774. The will of Anne Jones, his wife, dated 18 Feb., 1774, 
was proved in Surry county, March 22, 1774, and names sons 
Hamilton, John, Robert, and William and daughter Susannah 
Curetor and Anne Eldridge. She was born in 1709 and died 
Feb. 21, 1774. (Surry County Records, and Albemarle Parish, 
Sussex County, Register.) 

Cargill Family. — This family begins with Rev. John 1 Cargill, 
who went from England to the Leeward Islands in 1708. (Fother- 
gill, Emigrant Ministers to America, p. 191. He settled in Surry 
County, Va., and had, it is believed, at least two sons : (1) John 2 
and (2) Cornelius. 2 The former John 2 married Elizabeth Flar- 
rison daughter of Col. Nathaniel Harrison, and died in 1742. In 
his will dated ten years earlier (January 4, 1732) he mentions his 
son John 3 and wife. The will of his wife Elizabeth Harrison 
dated January 10, 1744, was proved in Surry, May 15, 1753. ft 
names daughters Lucy (who married Nicholas Massenburg, of 
Surry), and Elizabeth, and leaves them all her estate. ''Brothers 
Nathaniel and Benjamin Harrison," and Dr. Patrick Adams and 
Robert Jones, Jr., were made executors of the will. John 3 Car- 
gill, third of the name, married (1) in 1762 Sarah Avery, daugh- 
ter of Capt. Richard Avery, of Sussex, who died in 1775, an ^ 
his wife Lucy Binns (daughter of Charles Binns) ; (2) in 1774 
Anne Jones, widow of Capt. William Eldridge and daughter of 
Richard and Anne Jones, of Surry. (See Anne Jones' will 
above.) John 3 Cargill's will dated Dec, 1771, names his wife 
Anne and children John, Elizabeth, Lucy Binns, who married 

William and Mary Quarterly 145 

George Hamilton Jones, Sarah, and son unbaptized. Cornelius 2 
Cargill, the other son of Rev. John Cargill, married Elizabeth 

; in 1726, made a deed in Prince George County; was 

living in Brunswick County, in 1737; and in 1746 was one of the 
first justices of Lunenburg County. In 1753 he married Hannah 
Blanks, widow. Her will in 1757 shows that Cornelius was still 
living, and that he had no children by this second wife. (See 
Quarterly, Sussex Marriage Bonds, XL, 268-270; XII., 12-18. 
Albemarle Parish Register, XIV., 1-6; Jones Family of Peters- 
burg, XIX., 287-292; Marriage Bonds, Brunswick County, XX., 
195-202 ; Eldridge Family, XX., 204-208. 

Bolling. — "Robert Boiling (after the death of his first wife 
Jane Rolfe) married in 1681 Anne Stith. Among other children 
of this marriage were: Stith Bolling, born March 28, 1686; 
Edward Bolling, born Oct. 1, 1687; Drury Boiling, born June 
21, 1695; Thomas Boiling, born March 20, 1697. Wanted to 
know to whom these were married and anything of their descen- 
dants, or any of them." — London C. Bell, Columbus, Ohio. 

[Stith Bolling, son of Major Robert Bolling, married Eliza- 
beth, widow of John Hartwell, of Surry County (son of William 
Hartwell, Captain of Sir William Berkeley's Body Guard in 
Bacon's Rebellion, and nephew of Henry Hartwell, Esq., of the 
Council). His will was proved in Prince George County, Aug. 
16, 1727, and names sons Stith, Alexander, John and Robert. Of 
these, Alexander Bolling was a member of the House of Burgesses 
from Prince George County, and died in 1768. He married his 
first cousin, Susannah Bolling, daughter of Robert Boiling, Jr. 
There are some references to him and other Boilings in the 
Bristol' Parish Register, Prince George County. Alexander and 
Susannah Boiling had a son Robert, born in March, 1751.] 

Reese. — Francis, son of Thomas and Mary Rees, born Dec. 5, 
1727. Priscilla, daughter of Hugh and Sarah Riss, born February 
21, 1729; Thomas, son of Thomas and Mary Rees, born Nov. 2, 
1729; Martha, daughter of Roger and Eliz. Reese, born Feb. 
9, 1730; Isham, son of Hugh and Sarah Reese, born Aug. 8_, 
1732; John, son of Thomas Reese, born Sept. 30, 1731 ; Charles, 

146 William and Mary Quarterly 

son of Roger and Eliz. Reese, born April 3, 1733; Mary, daugh- 
ter of Thomas and Mary Reese, born Oct. 18, 1733 ; Sarah, daugh- 
ter of Hugh and Sarah Reese, born October 10, 1735; Thomas, 
son of John and Mary Rees, born Feb. 12, 1739; Mason, Daugh- 
ter of Thomas and Mary Reese, born July 10, 1740; James, son 
of Hugh and Sarah Rees, born Aug. 29, 1741 ; Elizabeth, daugh- 
ter of Hugh and Elizabeth Raes, born April 25, 1743; Neiil, son 
of Hugh and Elizabeth Raes, born Feb. 10, 1745-46. (Bristol 
Parish Register.) 

William and Mary Quarterly 147 


Raphael Semmes. By Colyer Meriwether. Philadelphia : George W. 
Jacobs and Company, Publishers. 1913. 

This is one of the best of the "American Crisis Biographies." Mr. 
Meriwether had a thrilling subject, and he has told the story well. Only 
the name of one American seaman can be placed by the side of Raphael 
Semmes, and that is John Paul Jones ; and both of them were identified, 
strange to say, with the South, whose energies were chiefly agricultural. 
Indeed, of all the Southern leaders in the wai? for Southern Independence, 
Semmes dealt the blows against the United States most lasting in their 

Mr. Meriwether justly says that the world never saw and will never 
see again a cruise like the tw r o years' cruise of the Alabama. During all 
this time Semmes exhibited the daring example of the Viking of old, 
tempered with the courtesy and humanity of the Southern gentleman. It 
seems strange at this date that his really admirable qualities were not 
appreciated by Lincoln and Welles, his Secretary of the Navy. Although 
Semmes, was a regularly commissioned officer of the Confederate States, 
Lincoln denounced him as "a pirate" and Welles, his Secretary of the 
Navy, unchecked by his superior, employed every means to have him cap- 
tured and punished as a felon. This was perfectly in line with the har-h 
policy pursued by Lincoln throughout the war, and for which he cheaply 
atoned in one or more of his messages by a few kind and much exploited 

Perhaps Mr. Meriwether should have mixed a little censure with his 
praise in commenting upon Semmes' battle w r ith the Kearsage. This battle 
brought on by Semmes himself was the one great blunder of his life. 
His boat was not intended for offensive war, but was a commerce de- 
stroyer, and he should have risen above the temptation of risking her real 
value in' a mere duel at sea. Moreover, the evidence produced by Mr. 
Meriwether shows that Semmes knew that he went into the battle under 
many disadvantages, and that he fought largely because he could no 
longer bear the foolish taunts of the enemy's newspapers that he was 
afraid to meet an enemy of anything like equal strength. This was a 
weakness, pure and simple, but, perhaps, it only shows that like .all 
human beings, Semmes was not perfect. ' 

A Confederate Girl's Diary. By Sarah Morgan Dawson. Boston and 
New York: Houghton, Mifflin Company. 1913. 

This is a very readable work, and intensely human in its narrative. 
Mrs. Dawson was the daughter of Judge Thomas Gibbs Morgan, w;ho had 

148 William and Mary Quarterly 

been collector of the port of Baton Rouge and judge of the Second 
District Court of the Port of Orleans. The family had divided sympathies. 
Some representatives were in the Federal Army and some in the Southern. 
Judge Morgan's eldest son, who was also a judge, was a Union sym- 
pathizer, and his eldest daughter married a Federal major. And the nar- 
rative seems to show that Mrs. Dawson was herself divided in her own 
feelings. She wanted the South to beat the North, but she wanted the 
Union to be preserved — two things not exactly reconcileable. She thought 
some of the Federal soldiers capital fellows and makes some comparisons, 
which are disadvantageous to the Southerners. In all this she was wholiy 
unlike the vast majority of the Southern ladies who saw only good in the 
Southern soldiers and only bad in the Northern. Her comments and 
opinions, therefore, are not always truly "Confederate." In the present 
war in Europe, when fair France is torn by th guns of the Germans, it 
would doubtless be hard to find a French girl who would compliment an 

Religious Development of the Negro. By Joseph B. Earnest, Jr., M. A., 
Norfolk, Virginia. The Michi'e Company, Printers, Charlottesville, 
Va. 1914. 

In compiling this work Mr. Earnest has been very true to his name. 
The careful industrious study which he has given to it has borne fruit in 
what is undoubtedly one of the best treatises on the negro which has been 
published. It is a fact that in spite of all that has been said against 
slavpry, no other thing has worked more for the good of the world. It 
was the chief stimulus to the voyage of Sir John Hawkins, who was the 
first to open up America to English institutions ; and the fact that there 
exist in America 10,000,000 civilized negro Christians is entirely due to 
its existence. This only shows, of course, that God has His way often of 
bringing good results out of evil conditions. The slaves imported to 
America were already in cruel bondage in Africa, and thus the change 
did not make their condition worse, but bettered it. Mr. Earnest begins 
with the introduction of slavery into Virginia in 1619, and by an appeal 
to the irecord refutes the statement of the negro historian Williams, that 
"in a moral and religious sense the slaves of the colony of Virginia re- 
ceived little or no attention from the Christian church." The religious 
conversion of the negroes was on the contrary the object of very early 
attention, and among the baptisms at Jamestown as early as 1624 was one 
of a negro. Baptisms grew increasingly frequent, and church attendance 
by negroes on the ministrations on the Episcopal Church, about the time 
of the French and Indian war, was general. 

Mr. Earnest calls attention to the fact that the African church in this 
place (Williamsburg) established before 1791, was the first negro church in 
Virginia, if not in the United States. This is most interesting, and it is a 

William and Mary Quarterly 149 

pity that more of the history of its unique establishment has not been 
handed down to us. The church had a membership almost entirely, if 
not altogether, of negroes. Moses, a negro, and afterwards a man called 
Gowan Pamphlet preached among them. 

After faithfully tracing the development of the negro through the 
seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Mr. Earnest is of 
opinion that while "many modern negroes have proved themselves un- 
worthy to be recipients of so many Christian labors, many more have 
shown by their deeds that not one iota of the Christian labors expended 
on them has been misplaced." This, I believe, is a view in which most 
unbiased Southern men agree. 

Sketches of a Tour to the Western Country, Through the States of Ohio 
and Kentucky, etc. By Fortescue dimming, with Notes, Intro- 
ductions, Index, etc., by Reuben Gold Thwaites. Cleveland, Ohio: 
' The Arthur Clarke Company. 1914. 

This work, though a separate publication, constitutes Vol. IV. in 
the series of "Early Western Travels." It is a reprint and the contents 
are most interesting. Cumming was what one may call a good traveller — 
he was uniformly good natured and his remarks are free from any tinge 
of cynicism or superiority. In this respect he differs from the majority 
of English travellers in his day, who, because they did not find all the 
civilization of ancient Europe in America, dwelt very much upon Ameri- 
can imperfections and often exaggerated them. Cumming, on the con- 
trary, tells of elegant, beautiful homes and fine fields of corn and grain 
met with in his travels. He has many good things to say of the people 
in the Mississippi River region. The journeys narrated were taken dur- 
ing two successive years. The first in January, 1807, was a pedestrian 
tour from Philadelphia to Pittsburg. The second from May to September 
consisted of a river trip from Maysville down the Ohio and Mississippi 
to Bayon Pierre, and a horse-back ride through the settlements of Mis- 
sissippi Territory lying along the Mississippi and some distance inland, 
on its tributaries. It is essentially a virile life to which Cumming intro- 
duces us — confident and boisterous, the civilized tinged with the primitive- 
ness of the wild. Indian fighters had become rare, and the mighty 
struggle with the wilderness had passed, but there was a survival of the 
ancient conditions in the crudeness of the social life which he represents. 
Heated politics, heavy drinking, and boisterous amusements are char- 
acteristic of this Western Country. And yet side by side with them, 
we have the hospitality, cultivation and charm of the upper classes. 

The work is copiously annotated by Dr. Thwaites. It is very care- 
fully and beautifully printed. 

150 William and Mary Quarterly 

Reconstruction in North Carolina. By J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, Pro- 
fessor of History in the University of North Carolina. New York, 
Columbia University. Longmans, Green & Co., Agents. 

This is a study commenced by the author in 1902 as a doctrinal dis- 
sertation in Columbia University, and since that time continued so as 
to cover the entire period of Reconstruction in North Carolina, which 
closed in 1876. The author states that in his search for material, he 
found a marked disinclination in many of the actors in the period to 
discuss all the matters therein involved. And no wonder, for looking 
back from this day of peace and quiet, the period of reconstruction 
-appears like some dreadful nightmare in which the dominant authority in 
the North seems to have gone stark, staring mad. That the Southern 
people did many regrettable things within this interval is not to be won- 
dered at. For eleven years the welter of reconstruction continued, and 
this fact will ever remain a severe commentary upon the boasted claim 
of the North to superior civilization. It cannot be doubted that at the 
bottom of the policy was the determination of the Northern leaders to 
humiliate the Southern people and to wreak vengeance. The policy of 
the British government a few years ago towards the Boers, after a bloody 
war, was quite the reverse, and bore the noble fruits which are shown 
to-day in their enthusiastic loyalty to the British government. 

Mr. Hamilton has shown great industry in sifting the facts and has 
-divested himself of all prejudices in the matter. His work is a luminous 
one and there will be no occasion for any one to attempt a second study. 
Has the South been financially benefitted by the abolition of slavery? 
The answer to this question is not legitimately one for this work, but the 
subject involved may excuse the asking; as also some remarks pertinent 
thereto. The old slaveholders insisted that abolition would greatly im- 
poverish the South — has it done so? The cold facts seem to show that 
they were right. Fifty years have passed since the war — nearly two gen- 
erations — and the ordinary wounds of war should be well healed. Com- 
pare the old South with the old North, both of 1861, and then compare 
the new South with the new North (1910), taking the same States, and 
the census shows that the new South is relatively many times poorer 
than the old South. The single State of Massachusetts has more wealth 
than all the States that went into secession, if Texas be omitted. The, 
present negro question in the South is not one of a homogeneous society, 
but of a society in which two races exist side by side, without possibility 
of assimilation, and, in which one, unquestionably as it must, assumes 
superiority in both government and society. Slavery is unjustifiable, and 
so is German imperiaism, which denies so largely freedom of action to 
the individual; and yet, under the German system, there has developed 
one of the strongest nations intellectually and commercially the world has 
ever known. 

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Quarterly Tbtetorical flftagasine 

Vol. XXIII JANUARY, 1915. No. 3 


These are the two great festival days of the United States. 
The one is said to be a Puritan institution and the other the 
favored day of the cavaliers. But as a matter of fact, the cava- 
lier influence has impressed itself upon both days far more than 
the Puritan. 

As to Thanksgiving Day, while its general recognition 
throughout the United States may be conceded to Puritan influ- 
ences, the custom of an annual thanksgiving was not confined 
to New England. Days were frequently set apart in the history 
of Virginia as days of thanksgiving and prayer. Thus, after the 
Indian massacre of 1622, the 22d of March was consecrated an- 
nually to this observance, and when the Second Massacre occurred 
in 1644, the same character was assigned by legislative act to the 
18th of April of each year. Frequently afterwards, both in the 
colonial history and the history of the State, special days were 
designated as days of thanksgiving and prayer. 

But the severe aspect of such days, even in Puritan New Eng- 
land, has been almost entirely lost. Thanksgiving has become 
a day of pleasure and rejoicing, a day given up to picnics and 
football — far more than to prayer and religious service. 

Christmas, the greatest of all holidays,, was absolutely ignored 
by the early Puritans, but it now reigns supreme even in New 
Haven, the Puritan stronghold. No one thinks of an "eve" to 
Thanksgiving day, but "Christmas Eve" is second only to Christ- 
mas Day. 

154 William and Mary Quarterly 


(See Quarterly, XIV., 193-211; XX., 69-101; XXI., 224-233; 
XXIL, 258-263.) 

February 13, 1861. 

Recent occurrences have served to place the government & 
dominant party of New York, in a collision with the South, in 
as contemptible a position as 'was the federal administration in 
the vain attempt to reinforce Fort Sumter. 1 28 cases counting 
950 muskets, &c, had been ordered from the north by priva f « 3 . 
individuals in G a & Al a & were shipped at New York for 
Savannah. The city police, under orders from Governor Morgan, 
(as it now appears,) seized & retained these arms, as contra- 
band of war. As soon as the facts were learned, Gov. Brown of 
G* sent by telegraphic dispatch to the Governor of N. Y. to 
demand the delivery of the arms so seized. Gov. Morgan an- 
nounced that he had ordered the seizure & detention of the arms 
because G a was making war on the U. S., & that he was "bound by 
his oath to support the constitution of the U. S. to do so." Gov. 
Brown immediately ordered, as reprisal, the seizing of all the 
N. Y. vessels then in the port of Savannah, which was done, to 
be held as security for the restoration of the arms. This seizure 
(of 5> vessels,) was immediately communicated by the com- 
manders to their employers, & by them to Gov. Morgan, who 
then, without an hour's delay, ordered the delivery of the arms 
to the agent, before authorized by G\ to receive & transmit 
them. Upon this prompt restoration being communicated to the 
Governor of G a he forthwith ordered the release of the N. Y. 

1 The reference here is to the first attempt to reinforce Fort Sumter 
by the Star of the West, which was fired on, and went back. 

William and Mary Quarterly 155 

vessels. There never was a negotiation between different govern- 
ments, on a disputed & difficult question of right, so speedily car- 
ried through & settled. 

The Growth of Secession. 

April 5, 1861. 

In the Virginia Convention, a direct vote has been taken for 
immediate secession & received only 48 voices against 98. This 
is more than I supposed possible even of that submissive & mean 
body. In the meantime, there are daily indications of continued 
popular changes to secession. One of the most recent & strongest 
is that of the "Whig" Newspaper of Richmond, the able & in- 
fluential & main organ of the Unionists & Submissionists, has 
changed editors & sentiments, & is about to come out for imme- 
diate secession * * . The Literary Messenger for April re- 
ceived today presents as the leading article my "Reminiscences of 
the Times of Nullification." This was placea ... _Le hands of the 
Editor before I determined to withdraw from the public press — 
but I have tried to keep its authorship entirely secret except to the 

Death of Stephen A. Douglas. 
June, 1861. 

Lately Stephen A. Douglas died. Not many months ago, this 
able man and unequalled demagogue stood higher in popular 
favor & in the prospect of gaining political eminence, than any 
other individual in this country. No other politician had so 
many devoted & zealous supporters though he had not enough 
to beat the combination votes that elected the comparatively ob- 
scure Lincoln. Since Douglas coalesced with the abolition party, 
he had lost his previously high political position, & his later ad- 
vance to the presidency was hopeless. Probably chagrin & morti- 
fication for his political overthrow combined with disease & 
the fruits of long continued intemperance (part of his dema- 
gogical policy & precedure), to cause his early death. There was 
no more unscrupulous or dangerous politician. 

156 William and Mary Quarterly 

McClellan's Ability as a General. 

June 17, 1861. 

* * The battle of Bethel seems to excite men more in the 
North than the South. It is as mortifying to them as gratifying 
to us. The northerners are still gaining & encroaching in the 
Northwestern counties & in the Valley, by aid of our disaffected 
or traitorous citizens. They have got footing along the Bait. 
& Ohio Railroad by invasions from Pennsylvania as far as into 
Hampshire. Gen McClellan, who commands the Northern forces 
in all the West, is said by Gen. Lee to be the ablest of all the 
commanders under Scott. His successful & extended advances on 
us seem to offer evidence of his talents. 

Successes of the South. 

June 21, 1861. 

The events of the war, so far, have been remarkable in char- 
acter, & in general, of remarkable uniformity. The Northern 
government had possession of all the Navy, of the regular army 
of Veteran troops — & of all the fortifications & munitions of war, 
except such as our authorities or people seized upon in the be- 
ginning. On our side we had not (& scarcely have now) an 
armed vessel — not a regular or trained soldier — & no military 
organization. In every skirmish or more important fight, except 
the shameful surprise of our troops at Phillipi, we, with raw 
volunteers have had the advantage. Even in the two surprises at 
Phillippi & at Fairfax C. H., our forces, though surprised & at 
Phillippi routed, caused much bloodshed — & at Fairfax C. H., 
the remnant of our men, who stood their ground, gained a decided 

William and Mary Quarterly 157 

The Surrender of the Confederate Commissioners. 

January 5, 1862. 

The letter of instructions from the British ministry to Lord 
Lyons, & by him laid before the U. S. government, after stating 
the circumstances of the capture of our Commissioners on board 
the Trent, concludes with the concise & unequivocal demand that 
(if not previously offered by the U. S. authorities,) there shall 
be made "to the British government such redress as alone could 
satisfy the British nation, namely, the liberation of the four gentle- 
men, (the Commissioners & their Secretaries,) & their delivery to 
your lordship, (the British embassador at Washington,) in order 
that they may be again placed under British protection, and a suit- 
able apology for the aggression which has been committed." This 
letter was exhibited to Seward. His reply is very long, of argu- 
ment justifying the legality of the capture upon various grounds, 
& nearly throughout. But nearly at the close, on technical & othei 
grounds he yields the question, & agrees that the prisoners were 
illegally captured & shall be delivered up. 

Now if this conclusion had been reached, (as he would have 
it understood,) on the reasoning of his government, in advance 
& irrespective of the British demand, the prisoners ought to have 
been, & would have been, set free, with all courtesy to them, as 
soon as their arrest was known — & "a suitable apology" offered, 
before being required, to the British government. Or, this not 
having been done before, when it was demanded & the demand 
was to be conceded, Seward would have saved some little of the 
humiliation of his government if he had yielded at once, & in few 
words, admitting the wrong committed, & to be so righted. But 
his labored justification makes his surrender so much the more 
glaring & humiliating. 

But this is a small matter to what previously had occurred. 
The retaining the prisoners in close confinement, & send- 
ing them to Boston — the entertaining in Congress of a 
proposition to confine them as felons, — the justification & boast- 
ing of the act by Congress, the Navy Department (& therefore 
including the Executive,) the approval, boastful & defiant tone 

158 William and Mary Quarterly 

of the whole northern press & people — all go to prove that there 
was no intention to deliver up the prisoners, or to confess or re- 
pair any wrong-doing, until after & under the peremptory de- 
mand of the British government. Therefore, the surrender, 
which might have been, if made at first, & voluntarily, honorable 
to the U. S. government, is now as full & complete, & yet is dis- 
honorable & humiliating as is possible, not only to the Executive, 
but to the House of Representatives which so promptly sanc- 
tioned the act & also to the Northern people in general. Still the 
"suitable apology" to the British government has not been made — 
unless, in pity & contempt for the degradation of its adversary, 
the long whining letter & defence by Seward shall be deemed 
an apology — which it certainly is in the whole purport, & in 
abject submission & humiliation. 

This may be deemed a sufficient, though not an assured & 
literal apology, if the British government chooses to be magnani- 
mous, or deems it would bring dishonor on itself to drive its ad- 
versary, for refuge, into a still lower depth of humiliation & 
contempt. But if there is, on the contrary, a disposition to make 
the most of the advantage gained & offered, the full measure of 
retribution will be exacted of the government which had first 
maintained its wrong-doing as an approver, a boaster, & a bully, 
to an extent only equalled by its subsequent prompt (& as M r 
Seward says "cheerful") . acquiescence in the demands of Eng- 
land for redress. 

But, putting aside all this, as questions of honor & dishonor, 
it is inconceivable why the U. S. government should have 
hazarded any loss, or danger, by retaining the captured Com- 
missioners after they had been brought to Fortress Monroe. 
Their mission had then been frustrated, so far as their early pres- 
ence in France & England was concerned. Their longer detention 
could do no greater harm to the objects of their mission — & might 
promote them, as no doubt has been done by their arrest. If they 
had been released immediately, Lincoln's government would have 
effected every possible good to itself from the arrest, & would 
have removed, in the manner most honorable to its sense of jus- 
tice, courtesy, & moderation, every ground of complaint from 
every quarter. 

William and Mary Quarterly 159 

But as in all its other acts & general policy, in the struggle 
to subjugate the South, the North acts as if demented for its 
own destruction. Often has been quoted, in reference to the 
acts, of the northern government, & every week there occurs 
some new & fit occasion to repeat, "Qucm Dens vult perdere, prius 

One continued & uniform part of this policy is the habitual 
& systematic lying of the functionaries, as if required by rule & 
general orders, & practiced by all ranks from President Lincoln 
to the lowest military commander, who has to report to the 
public through the government. Not one of them utters lies more 
grossly, deliberately, & in the face of all known facts & proba- 
bilities, than Mr. Seward — & nowhere more remarkably than 
in this official letter. He therein speaks of the resistance of ("pre- 
tended") Confederate States as certainly drawing to a speedy 
close, & that the only thing that has encouraged, or will cause 
the continuance of their rebellion to the North, is their hope 
of being recognized & aided by European powers. Much of 
such stufl was believed in England, while such lies were some- 
what new, & all news from the C. S. had to be obtained (as is 
mostly still the case,) through northern newspapers. But the 
falsehood of nearly all northern statements has now become so 
notorious even in Europe, that they will receive but little credit 
when not otherwise confirmed, & even in the absence of all con- 

Confederate Prisoners at Camp Douglas. 

March 10, 1863. 

[Mr. Ruffin inserts a newspaper clipping giving an account 
of the freezing to death at Camp Douglas, Ohio, of twelve Con- 
federate prisoners. The 65th Illinois Regiment, U. S. A., on 
guard there, protested against the condition of the barracks, 
which had no stoves and no panes in the windows. This con- 
demnation was echoed by the Chicago Times, which denounced 
as murder the transportation to this Northern latitude of pris- 
oners from the warm climate of the South, to endure the tor- 

160 William and Mary Quarterly 

tores of the fierce rigors of the winter weather, without any 
protection being prepared for them.] 

Policy of England to Injure Both Sections. 

March 10, 1863. 

A writer in a London paper has addressed a letter to Lord 
Palmerston stating and denouncing the number of war steamers 
now building in Britain for the C. S. in violation of law & 
the declaration of neutrality. 

But if, as this writer charges, the British government has 
illegally, & in violation of its professed neutrality, favored the 
Confederates on the ocean, & indeed enabled us to do all that 
our few cruisers have done, it is no contradiction, but the re- 
verse, to what I have before charged, that the British government 
wishes the two parties to this war to do all possible damage to 
each other. Without an armed vessel for ocean service, with- 
out seamen, with all our ports blockaded, & European ports 
closed against our prizes & our obtaining naval & military sup- 
plies, the C. S. could have done nothing on the ocean, & the 
Yankee mercantile marine, in safety, would still have success- 
fully rivalled British ships. Therefore, the government connives 
at the invasion of its neutrality, & permits a few armed cruisers 
to sail & make captures under the Confederate flag — not to send 
them into port, & save them in existence, as future competitors 
with British ships — but to destroy them, & so extinguish so many 
future competitors, whether as northern or southern property. 

To aid the C. S. so far, & in this manner only, is to enable 
them to fight for the benefit of England, & as much in promotion 
of its interests as their own. On the other hand, by denying to 
the C. S. the free supply of arms, ammunition & military equip- 
ments, (by recognizing as legal the blockade of our ports,). 
while the Yankees are supplied to any extent, & by the exclud- 
ing from us, in like manner, all necessary supplies of clothing, 
&c, the C. S. are practically prevented from exerting half of 
their military power on land against their enemy, who is under 
none of these disadvantages, & thus is enabled to inflict a double 

William and Mary Quarterly 161 

amount of danger on the unprotected southern states. Thus, by 
pretending to observe neutrality, & by violating it in different 
modes against both parties, England enables the C. S. to greatly 
injure Yankeedom on the ocean, & Yankeedom to injure the 
C. S. on the land, & in general — & in both cases, to forward to 
the greatest extent the desire & policy of England, of the North 
& South destroying each other, & neither gaining any power 
from the losses it inflicts on the other. 

Difficulties With England. 
April 21, 1863. 

Earl Russell, the British Minister for Foreign Affairs, has 
in their correspondence, treated our Commissioner M r Mason, 
with so much slight & disrespect, & also the C. S. government 
with so much unfairness, & injustice, & even using falsehood 
& fraudulent construction to favor the Yankee illegal & invalid 
blockade, that the general wfsh of the people is in favor of recall- 
ing our commissioner from England, & ceasing all attempts 
at diplomatic intercourse with that government. Why our Presi- 
dent has not done so, long ago, is to me surprising & incom- 
prehensible. But while our enemy has been so greatly favored 
by England, professing neutrality at our expense — & even, by 
maintaining the illegal blockade, Yankeedom has been enabled 
to frustrate or defeat our military efforts, & to continue to carry 
on the war with doubled power & effect — still its government is 
greatly dissatisfied with that of England. 

The building war vessels in England to be sold to the C. S., 
(though not armed or equipped before being delivered to our 
agents) has been conplained of by the U. S. Minister, loudly & 
in offensive terms. And to such complaints, & charges of illegal' 
& partial action, Earl Russel has replied as curtly & almost as 
insultingly as to our Commissioner. Hence, with all the care 
of England to conciliate Yankeedom, the relations of the two 
governments are in an uneasy state, & may, "By any act of im- 
prudence, or of vigor, on either side, at any moment may be- 
come hostile. At the North it is manifest from the tone of the 

162 William and Mary Quarterly 

principal papers, that war with England is deemed not improba- 
ble. And the offensive language of these papers, & the threats 
against England, & boasts of what can be effected in war, are 
calculated to deeply offend the proud English nation, & compel 
its government to cease its forbearance, & submission to Yankee 
insults to England, as well as its injustice in sustaining the 
illegal blockade in violation of the just rights of the C. S., of the 
law of nations, & the interests of England. 

It has been a regular business in Yankeedom to counterfeit 
the paper money of the C. S. & send the counterfeit paper here 
for circulation. But the extent of the policy, & the shameless- 
ness of the operations, have not been made so manifest as by a 
recent advertisement in a Cincinnati paper, by which "Jas. 
Slemans" offers for sale "Fac-simile Confederate scrip of the 
last issue, perfect in plate, paper & signature, & will pass at any 
banking house in the Confederacy." 

The North Encourages a Servile Insurrection. 

May i, 1863. 

Tj'he Yankee forces are making successful & extensive progress 
in the interior of L a & as elsewhere, are laying waste the coun- 
try they occupy. It seems that the Yankee government has been 
strangely impressed with the supposed indications afforded by 
what were falsely designated as our "bread riots" — & by the 
more truthful accounts of scarcity of provisions in some locali- 
ties, & from our army in V a , & of high prices more generally. 
It is a general Yankee belief that the people & armies of the 
C. S. are on the borders of starvation, & that they can damage 
us most effectually by destroying our means & preparations for 
subsistence. To this end, they are now aiming all their efforts, 
& their war policy. They, by destruction even more than plunder, 
waste our existing provisions whenever it is in their power to 
do so — & also destroy the means for the cultivating & harvesting 
other crops. This atrocious policy the Yankee government, 
through the invasions & predator)- raids of its armies & gun- 
boats, have it in their pow r er to carry out to great & terrible 

William and Mary Quarterly 163 

extent. The enfranchising & arming & embodying the negro 
slaves, which is now moving with new vigor, is now cherished 
by Yankeedom even less as offering military aid, & favoring 
abolition fanaticism, than because it is a patent means for pre- 
venting the cultivation of the soil & reaping its products. 

It was clear enough, even before Lincoln's proclamation, 
that this was, or would be, the practical policy of the Yankee 
government. Before, to great extent, but systematically, & 
generally since that proclamation, Yankee military & naval com- 
manders have been encouraging the stealing of slaves by their 
subordinate officers & soldiers, compelling or inducing the slaves 
to abandon labor, or to assert their freedom, enrolling them as 
soldiers, & in all these modes, indirectly, if not directly & openly, 
endeavoring to incite the negro class to general & bloody insur- 
rection & rebellion. But while this whole policy was obvious 
enough, it has not been so plainly & explicitly expressed as in 
a recent speech of Gen. Thomas, U. S. A., delivered at Lake 
Providence, L a , & where he could have had only Yankees & 
negroes for auditors. The writing & publishing his speech (ap- 
pended), is the exposition of Lincoln's policy. For General 
Thomas declares himself the authorized exponent of Lincoln's 
views & intentions, & fully empowered to embody negro troops 
& to select & commission their officers. 

Death of Stonewall Jackson. 

May 11, 1863. 

A great calamity has fallen upon the Confederate States 
in the death of Gen. T. J. Jackson. He died on the 10 th , from 
pneumonia combined with the effects of his wounds. Our coun- 
try and its cause could not have lost near as much in the death 
of any other one citizen, soldier, or statesman, unless of Gen. 
Lee. And neither the death of Lee, nor of any other citizen, no 
matter how much deserving & possessing the esteem & gratitude 
of our people, would be half as much regretted & deplored as 
the death of Jackson. Perhaps no other man, in this or any other 
country, was so universally admired & venerated. Neither his 

164 William and Mary Quarterly 

defects or his virtues & merits were of the character to produce 
enmity, or ill-will in others — & he had the good fortune, which 
rarely attends the most distinguished worth & valuable public 
services, of having acquired no enemies. Jackson, as a military 
commander, had the qualities & the success most suited to earn 
general approval & admiration. He had led & fought in numer- 
ous bloody conflicts, & always conquered. In all of his numer- 
ous battles, & in all his other military operations, he has never 
once been defeated, or failed, or was successfully opposed by 
the enemy's force against which he operated. Yet with all this 
unexampled success, throughout his brilliant career, & with all 
the praise heaped upon him from every quarter — with applauses 
in which the highest civil & military authorities concurred with 
the most obscure private soldier & citizen — Jackson never seemed 
to be the least exalted or uplifted, or to exhibit any indications 
that he was not insensible or ignorant of his own great merits. He 
semed to have but one object — to perform his duty in the best pos- 
sible manner. Prominent as were his military actions, & contin- 
ually as his services placed him conspicuous before the public view, 
& brought to him new evidences of public & universal favor, he 
never did or said anything to direct attention to any act or 
opinion of his own, or to any of the numerous brave & glorious 
services of the troops which he had trained & so often led in 
battle. He did everything that was required to obey the orders 
of his superiors — strictly and fully, & without hesitation or ques- 
tion — & to perform all his duties when commanding on his own 
discretion — & he neither did nor said anything more. 

High as was his military rank, & exalted as the respect paid 
to him even by his superiors in command, he seemed never to 
think of himself but as a subordinate, whose inflexible duty it 
was to respect & obey his superior officer. And whether this 
under immediate command of another, or on separate service & in 
independent command, he not only thus performed his duty, 
special or in general, but it was done as silently & quietly as the 
nature of the circumstances permitted. Few men have lived 
of whom so much can be truly reported, as in regard to what 
he has done, with so little of what he has said, or offered his 

William and Mary Quarterly 165 


opinions to the public. If he had lived to continue his military 
service to the end of this war — with unabated success & still in- 
creased glory — he would then have returned to private life, (if 
his countrymen did not prevent,). & have been content to act 
the part, lor the remainder of his days, of an unobtrusive & ob- 
scure citizen in claiming no 'distinction for past services, & no 
reward for the exceeding great measure of his duties per- 
formed. Another quality of Jackson's I may not be competent 
to properly understand or appreciate — but which, at least, I can, 
& do, hold in honor & veneration. He was earnestly & zealously 
religious — a sincere, a devoted Christian. 

Conditions of the Country. 
July 15, 1863. 

There has been a remarkable frequency and quantity of rain, 
first for a long spell extending through the latter part of winter 
& nearly to the latter part of spring — & since, & after an interval 
of dry weather & earth, there have been almost daily light rains, 
& frequent heavy rains, & always a clouded & threatening sky, 
for, the latter 4 weeks or more. The labors for preparation & 
of later tillage of crops were obstructed, or entirely prevented 
in part, (& especially on lands like Marl6ourne then greatly need- 
ing drainage,) to an unprecedented degree. In the latter, & still 
continuing wet spell, the harvest operations of clover-hay, Wheat, 
& oats, were all obstructed, & the crops damaged more or less — 
& tillage of the corn crop, at the most essential time, rendered im- 
possible. Also the great prevalence of cloudy & cool weather 
has checked the growth of growing crops, both in spring & 
summer. The high freshes of the rivers, so unusual in mid- 
summer, but latterly caused by the unusual quantity of rains, 
have produced complete destruction of all grown & growing 
crops, on the extensive & fertile bottoms of the Dan and Roanoke 
— & doubtless great injury to the crops on many other river 
bottoms less deeply inundated. 

Add to these losses from rains, that a large extent of land 
in Eastern V a had been wasted by the depredations or fear of 

166 William and Mary Quarterly 

the enemy last year, & still lie wasted & unproductive — & that 
much of the actual preparation for & tillage of crops for this 
year, even where resumed, was very limited & defective, for 
want of the lost laboring hands & teams, & utensils, & of due 
time for the needed operations. For all these reasons, the gen- 
eral produce of lower V a especially would have been very small, 
even if the cultivators had had only to contend agaist the losses 
of last year, & the excess of rainy weather since. But in addi- 
tion, our vile enemy has resorted to the atrocious & unprecedented 
policy (among civilized nations,) of destroying the growing 
crops, by plundering & harassing the country mainly for that 
object — stealing the slaves & working-beasts, & breaking the 
farming machines & utensils, which cannot be replaced now at 
any prices. And the farms so plundered & their crops indirectly 
ruined, by the actual presence & operations of the enemy's forces, 
are not one tenth the number of those abandoned suddenly in 
terror, & in expectation of like visitations, the proprietors mov- 
ing off such property as could so be saved, & leaving the re- 
mainder, including all the standing crops, to be entirely wasted 
& lost. 

This process of general destruction of crops has been effected 
latterly by the infernal Yankees over a large portion of the tide- 
water lands of Virginia, either by their actual & direct opera- 
tions of plunder, fire, or destruction of implements &c, or by 
the farther extending terror of these everywhere threatened & 
expected ravages. The proprietors had ruin before them, & little 
choice in the alternatives, whether they, with their families & 
property, awaited the coming of the barbarous rangers & plun- 
derers, or earlier sought safety in flight, with such property as 
could be removed. For a farmer thus to move his property to 
a distant & strange residence, & then have to pay for the sup- 
port of all his household, slaves & necessary animals at current 
rates of expense, is nearly as ruinous as to lose all by the plunder- 
ing enemy. 

Except the Brandons & a few other farms of the lower & 
broad water of James River, & as high as City Point, nearly all 
the farms had been left waste last summer, & have so remained. 

William and Mary Quarterly 167 

That the borders of this river had not been again visited & plun- 
dered, before the present visit of gun-boats, is probably owing 
to the fact, well known to the enemy, that nearly all the farms 
were already lying waste, & offered no temptation for the robbers. 
Why the fertile peninsula of Brandon has been entirely spared, 
through the last & the present year, is a mystery, as well as rare 
good fortune to the wealthy proprietors. 

But while in Virginia there has been this great diminution 
of the green crops of this year, it is fortunate for general as well 
as particular interests, that in the more southern & south-west- 
ern states, grain culture had generally superseded cotton &. 
sugar culture, & that the grain crops have had the most propitious 
weather. Wheat has rarely been attempted south of northern 
N. C a , & when sown farther south, has rarely escaped great dam- 
age from the climatic disease "rust," which seemed a never fail- 
ing attendant & destroyer of this crop. But it is a remarkable 
fact of this year, & no less a great blessing to the cultivators 
& the country in general, that throughout the South, wherever 
wheat had been seen (& it had been very extensively sown,) fine 
crops were reaped, entirely untouched by rust. 

Miscegenation Favored in the North. 

July 17, 1864, Sunday. 

As no. mail comes on Sundays, but the passenger trains as 
usual, it is not usual for us to hear reports of news through some 
near neighbor who had been to the R. R. Station. Thus we 
heard, this evening, from a visitor, the report so brought that 
our forces besieging Washington had met with a repulse. Such 
a result is more than probable. But no report to our disadvan- 
tage, coming now from Yankee sources in Baltimore, & when 
communication with Washington was cut off, deserves any credit. 
Still, this rumor has increased my uneasiness, & my feverish 
anxiety to get the news by the next mail. 

Sometime back I noted the information, from northern papers, 
of the rising in Yankeedom of the new, or newly avowed ism 
of "miscegenation." A book which elaborately sets forth the 

168 William and Mary Quarterly 

doctrine & advocates the practice, has reached Richmond, & 
from it some extracts have been made, with comments, by the 
Examiner. The book is anonymous. But it is accompanied by 
the certified approval & recommendation of so distinguished an 
abolitionist as Wendell Phillips, & of Tilton, an editor of the 
"Independent," of N. Y., & other political writers. The funda- 
mental proposition maintained is, that "no race can long endure 
without a commingling of its blood with that of other races. 
The condition of all human progress is miscegenation." And 
the most expedient & proper kind of such mingling of races 
recommended for general practice to Yankeedom, is that be- 
tween the white (Yankee) race & the negro race, for the im- 
provement of both. Says the author of this book, "the great 
truth shall be declared in our public documents, & announced in 
the Messages of our President — that it is desirable the white man 
shall marry the black woman, & the white woman the black man 
— that the race should become mellalenketick (mulatto,) before 
it becomes miscegenetic" . . . "We must become a yellow 
skinned, black-haired people, in fact, we must become miscegens, 
if we would retain the fullest results of civilization." If the 
author had studied properly the natural history of races, & had 
not, been blinded by his abolition fanaticism, he could not have 
failed to know that the reverse of his proposition was true — 
that the mingling of the white & negro races, in the production 
of mulattoes, or any of the intermediate crosses, operates to 
produce degeneracy of the best and opposite characteristic quali- 
ties of both the original races. The mulatto offspring has less 
mental power than the white race, & less physical power of 
endurance of labor & privation than the black race — & is more 
feeble in constitution, & liable to disease & death than either. 
As a thorough hater & despiser of the Yankee people, I heartily 
wish their teachers *he utmost success in establishing this doc- 
trine) practice — that they may extend &, increase as fast as pos- 
sible their degeneracy & ill repute & become still more hateful 
& despicable in the eyes of all the white race. Finished the 4 th 
vol. of Macaulay's History of England. 

William and Mary Quarterly 169 

Seward and the Confederate Prisoners. 

December 13, 1864. 

Seward (in the name of Lincoln,) has lately issued two in- 
sulting- documents to the British people, which will reach them 
nearly at the same time with Webb's insulting letters. Palmerston 
& Russell have seemed ready to bear any insults from Yankee- 
dom. But there may be a limit even to their forbearance — & the 
people will surely be indignant with these three offensive docu- 
ments appearing together. A respectful petition to Lincoln's 
government, praying that it would make peace, had been got up 
& circulated in Britain & Ireland, & had obtained no less than 
350,000 signatures, including many of the most respectable of 
the nobility, dignified clergy, & gentry. This petition was lately 
offered to Seward to be laid before Lincoln, & its reception re- 
fused, on the ground that it was not a paper sent by the British 

The next act w r as worded still more offensively. Many ladies 
of high rank or social position in England had got up a bazaar t 
of which the profits were to be devoted to the relief of C. S. mili- 
tary prisoners confined in the prisons of the U.S. The sales of 
articles, & gifts to this institution soon made its clear profits 
amount to £17,000, ($85,000,) which sum, Lord WharnclifYe, in 
the names of the Lady Patronesses of the charity, requested 
(through M r Adams, U. S. minister at London,) of the Lincoln 
government leave to transmit, & to distribute to the prisoners, by 
the hands of their chosen almoner & actuary. To this request 
Seward gives a printed refusal (appended,) in very insulting 
terms, treating the benefaction as not needed, & the offer as 
intrusive & offensive — & even snubs the U. S. Minister Adams 
for his permitting the proposition to come through his hands. 
These two added to Webb's most insulting & gratuitous declara- 
tions, I think must have some irritating effect on the proud Eng- 
lish people, & possibly may cause some such stimulus to be ap- 
plied to their mean-spirited ministry, which is willing to put up 
with any insult or outrage from Yankeedom rather than to risk 
war with that power, or to require & allow the just claims of 

170 William and Mary Quarterly 

neutrality to the hated Confederate States. "It is the last feather 
that breaks the camel's back." The commercial interests of Eng- 
land & the fears of the ministry of Yankee hostility, & their fana- 
tical hatred of slavery & slaveholders, have concurred in making 
the English government basely subservient to Lincoln's. But 
the English people are not so disposed. A recent article of the 
London Times, (appended,) exhibits scorn & contempt for Presi- 
dent Lincoln, & indirectly for the people who have re-elected 
him, which sentiments probably are approved by a majority of 
the British nation. Finished De Foe's "Memoirs of a Cavalier." 

(Newspaper clipping appended.) 

A Wrathy Letter from Seward. 

Mr. Seward has written the following letter to Mr. Adams, 
in reply to the application made on behalf of the Confederate 
Bazaar in Liverpool, for permission to apply the fund collected 
in "distributing aid" to the Confederate prisoners in Northern 
prisons. Lord Wharncliffe, in making the apjplication, had taken 
care to disavow any intention of giving "political aid," or "an 
imputation that rebel prisoners are deprived of such attentions as 
the ordinary rules enjoin." 

Department of State. 

Washington, December 5, 1864. 

Sir: I have received your dispatch of the 18th of November, 
No. 807, together with the papers therein mentioned, viz. : a 
copy of a letter which was addressed to you on the 12th of No- 
vember last by Lord W'harncliffe and a copy of your answer 
to that letter. You will now inform Lord Wharncliffe that per- 
mission for an agent of the committee described by him to visit 
the insurgents detained in the military prisons of the United 
States, and to distribute among them seventeen thousand pounds 
of British gold is disallowed. Here it is expected that your cor- 
respondence with Lord Wharncliffe will end. That correspon- 
dence will necessarily become publick. Chi reading it the Amen- 

William and Mary Quarterly 171 

can publick will be well aware that, while the United States 
have ample means for the support of prisoners, as well as for 
every other exigency of the war in which they are engaged, the 
insurgents who have blindly rushed into the condition are suf- 
fering no privations that appeal for relief or charity either at 
home or abroad. The American people will be likely to reflect 
that the sum thus insiduously tendered in the name of humanity 
constitutes no larger portion of the profits which its contributors 
may be justly supposed to have derived from the insurgents by 
exchanging with them arms and munitions of war for the coveted 
productions of immoral and enervating slave labour. Xor will 
any portion of the American people be disposed to regard the 
sum thus ostentatiously offered for the relief of captured insur- 
gents as a too generous equivalent for the devastation and desola- 
tion which a civil war, promoted and protracted by English sub- 
jects, has spread throughout the States, which before were emi- 
nently prosperous and happy. Finally, in view of the last offici- 
ous intervention in our domestic affairs, the American people 
can hardly fail to recall the warning of the Father of our Coun- 
try directed against two great and intimately connected publick 
dangers, namely sectional faction and foreign intrigue. — I do not 
think the insurgents have become debased, although they have 
sadly wandered from the ways of loyalty and patriotism. I think 
that, in common with all our countrymen, they will rejoice in 
being saved by their considerate and loyal Government from the 
grave insult which Lord Wharncliffe and his associates, in their 
zeal for the overthrow of the United States, have prepared for 
the victims of this unnatural and hopeless rebellion. I am, sir, 
your obedient servant William H. Seward. 

172 William and Mary Quarterly 


Communicated by Alfred J. Morrison, Ph. D., Hampden 
Sidney, Va. 

The first number of Edmund Rufiin's Farmers' Register ap- 
peared in June, 1833, — 'Vol. I., Richmond, June, 1833. No. I. 
Edmund Ruffin, Editor and Proprietor.^— $5 per annum — T. W. 
White, Printer.' In the second number of the Register, p. 93, 
there was printed an extract from the Richmond Enquirer, under 
the title, "Agriculture of Virginia," signed "A Buckingham 
Farmer^' and dated June 8 th , 1833. This contributor says, "I 
will take the liberty of adverting to one fact — that is, the exist- 
ence of one agricultural paper in Scottsville, Albemarle County,." 

The agricutural paper published at Scottsville was the "Vir- 
ginia Farmer," owned and edited by Theodorick McRobert. Jan. 
25, 1833, Mr. McRobert gave a deed of trust to John Hartman, 
on 2-3 of a lot in Scottsville, bought of Peyton Harrison, and 
the printing press, &c, for the "Virginia Farmer." [Prince 
Edward County Deed Books, Vol. XXL, p. 122.] 

That Mr. McRobert's journal was meant to be a thorough- 
going farm journal may be seen by reference to the Farmers' 
Register, Vol. I., p. 337, where the letter quoted below is pub- 
lished : 

"Liberty, Bedford, Va., 7 th Sept., 1833. 

To Th,eodorick McRobert, Esq., 

Editor of the Virginia Farmer. 
Dear Sir, — The postmaster at this place has placed in my 
hands a printed circular received by him some months ago from 
you, requesting information respecting the present state of agri- 
culture, &c, and respecting the soil — the kind of soils — capacity 
for improvement — the kind of crops cultivated — the progress of 
improvement in agriculture generally, &c, &c. And the post 
master has requested me to write you. giving the desired informa- 
tion ****** 

William and Mary Quarterly 173 

This Virginia Farmer may have been established as early as 
1829. Any copy of it, from which the information could be had 
as to its tenure of life, would be a great curiosity. The editor, 
Theodoric McRobert, was not a successful man. He was born in 
Prince Edward County, and died there before 1890 at a rather 
advanced age. He was the grandson of Archibald McRobert, the 
last minister of St. Patrick's Parish, Prince ICdward County, 
who had come from Scotland, and was first settled in Dale Parish, 
Chesterfield County. It is supposed that Archibald McRobert was 
a graduate of the University of Edinburgh. He was a charter 
trustee of Hampden Sidney College, and for a good many years 
before his death in 1807 was usually the presiding officer of the 
Board of Trustees of that college. 


Communicated by E. Alfred Jones, London. 

(Extracted from the Principal Registry of the Probate Divorce 

and Admiralty Division of the High Court of Justice. 

In the Prerogative Court of Canterbury.) 

I, Dame Rebecca Gooch of Hampton in Middlesex widow- 
do make publish and declare this my last will and testament in 
manner following. I steadfastly believe and Hope that God Al- 
mighty through his great mercy and the merits of my blessed 
Saviour will pardon all my sins and failings and receive my Soul 
as to to my poor body w tb Mr. Wood of Littletons leave I would 
have it laid in Cobham Chancel by my Father Mother and sister 
I would be buried in linnen and my wedding ring on my Finger. 
A plain black cloth outside coffin with black plates and nails 
and a very good Elm one within unless I die at so great a dis- 
tance they are obliged to put me in lead I would have a velvet 
hearse with six horses and two coaches and six no Pall bearers 

174 William and Mary Quarterly 

nor Escutcheons only a velvet pall eight poor men of the parish 
of Cobham who do not take alms of the parish I desire to carry 
me into the Church and to have Hatbands and Gloves and five 
shillings each a Scarf Hat Rand and gloves and a twenty shilling 
ring to the Minister at Cobham that buries me and a twenty 
shilling ring to the Minister at Hampton and five shillings a 
piece to six poor men who assist in putting me into the Hearse 
at Hampton I would have an Atchievement over my house door 
to be hung in Cobham Chancel at a proper time And first I 
would bequeath wherewith to repair and keep up the Burying 
place at York in Virginia where my dear son and grandson and 
brother lie but have met with such ill usage in relation to it al- 
ready as convinces me it will never be put to the right use there- 
fore I omit it but as a small token of my Remembrance to the place 
of his education I give to William and Mary College in Virginia 
my Gilt Sacrament Cup 1 and put in a Red Leather case and a 
large Foil : Bible of Fields bound in four volumes I give to my 
Daughter Eleanor Lewis twenty pounds for mourning and to 
her son Warner Lewis Junr my gold watch with a Mans Gold 
Chain to it which I've laid by for that purpose I likewise order 
five hundred pound consolidated Bank Stock to be put in 
trusts hands the interest thereof to be paid to Mrs. Frances 
Fergusson during her life and at her death I give it to the afore- 
said Warner Lewis Junr my Godson I give to Ralph Wormly 
Esquire Senr my son and daughters pictures half lengths that 
hang in the little parlour I do give to William Gooch Esquire 
second son to Sir Thomas Gooch Bart one hundred pound Con- 
solidated Bank Stock and my snuff box with my sons picture in 
it done by Zinks and I do give to Miss Matilda Gooch Sir 
Thomas Gooch's daughter and to Miss Mary Gooch and Miss 
Rachael Gooch Dr. Gooch's daughters and to my Godson Master 
Thomas Sherlock Gooch one hundred pound consolidated Bank 
stock each I do likewise desire Mrs. Hanbury Mr. Capel Han- 
bury's widow will accept of twenty guineas ' for a ring as a 
small remembrance of the many favors received from him I do 

1 This beautiful cup is now in the possession of Bruton Church, Wil- 
liamsburg. It was made in 1686 by Peter Harache (Quarterly VI., p. 40). 

William and Mary Quarterly 175 

give to my own Maid Mary not if living with me at the time of 
my death thirty pounds to William Stoke if living with me then 
twenty pound to each of my other servants that shall have lived 
with me two year or upwards ten pound each I do give to ten 
poor widows of the parish of Hampton twenty shilling each as 
Mrs. Frances Fergusson shall name them and I do give to Mr. 
Oswood Hanbury and Mr. Samuel Athavyes who have given me 
leave to appoint them my executors fifty pounds each Lastly 
I do give and bequeath all the rest and residue of my 
estate of what kind or nature soever and whatsoever sum or 
sums of money I ani intitled to or have any right to dispose of 
by will or other wise unto my dear friend Mrs. France 
Fergusson and I do hereby constitute and appoint Mr. Osgood 
Hanbury and Mr. Samuel Athstws executors to this my will 
and I do declare these presents all of my own handwriting 
to be my last will in witness whereof I have hereto set my 
name & seal this twelf day of August 1773. Reb : gooch (L. S) 
Signed sealed & delivered in the presence of us. 

I do allso give to Miss Mary Athawes one hundred pound 
Consoladated Bank Stock reb: gooch. 

Administration (With Will and Codicil) granted 

25th February 1775. 

Administration (with Will and Codicil) granted 

1st September 1810. 

Fos 10. 

J H G. 

52 Alexander. 


Will of Sir Robert Peake, Knight, citizen and Goldsmith of 
London, dated 15 May, 1666, proved at London 26 July, 1667. 
Among other legacies are legacies to ''my cousin and sometime 
servant" George Lyddall, of Virginia, gentleman, £300; to ''my 
sometime servant" Michael Tucker in Virginia, husbandman £10; 
to my friend Dr. James Hide, of Oxford, and his wife, Mar- 

mi to their sod, Robert Hide my e ^d je a C 

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of Sir Bobei TTie wffl is valuable afac 

tfir- : - ■. — 2 l^yddaS, who was cam- 

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Bacon, of Xew Kent County, Virgin 2 

72 2 22-rT ;: Z222 -2" 77 : 1. : : : 22 2222-2 7- 22 

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222 27 2 7": : 7 2:2. 2 522 V 2: .Vii 12227 2 7 2 

7 222 2 77 2 2 : : 7 2 2 : :12c : ' 2 £ - . 

12 £ : 22222c I 2 222-": 122 222 2- iZ 

_ 2 2 7/ -- 2222222 : 1 £ 2" ~ 2 £2" 

722: 21222 7'2 222 !_£ 2 2 _ 171 2 

William and Mary Quarterly 177 

He sold his land in Virginia to William Bassctt, who in his will 
calls Nathaniel Bacon "brother." 

Now Nathaniel Bacon was the son of a Royalist minister, Rev. 
James Bacon of Friston Hall, County Suffolk, by Martha, a 
sister of Bridget Woodward, who married Sir Thomas Lyddall. 
He came to Virginia about 165 1, and rose to be President of the 
Council. His grandfather, Sir James Bacon, was first cousin 
of Lord Francis Bacon, and he was a cousin once removed of 
Nathaniel Bacon, the Rebel, and a cousin too of Capt. Edmund 
Bacon, of New Kent County, (Quarterly, X., 268), among 
whose descendants appear the names of Lyddall and the Bacon 
family names of Edmund and Nathaniel. 

Nathaniel Bacon, Sr., settled first in Isle of Wight County 
and his first wife was a widow, Anne Smith, who had two chil- 
dren: Anne Smith, who married in 1684, Major George Fawdon, 
of Isle of Wight County, and William Smith. The marriage 
contract of Major Fawdon and Anne Smith is witnessed by 
Thomas Woodward, who was assay master of the mint to Charles 
I. (Quarterly, VII., 223.) He was doubtless a relative, proba- 
bly, a son of John Woodward — a half-brother of Nathaniel 
Bacon's mother, Martha Woodward. Col. Bacon married 2dly. 
Elizabeth Kingsmill, daughter of Richard Kingsmill, an early 
settler. Her tombstone is still extant bearing the arms of Kings- 
mill and Tayloe, her first husband being Col. William Tayloe, 
of the Council. While Col. Bacon left no descendants in Vir- 
ginia his niece, Abigail Smith, who came to Virginia, did. She 
was daughter of Anthony Smith, of Colchester, England, and 
married Major Lewis Burwell of Cartel's Creek, Gloucester 
County, Virginia, grandson of Edward Burwell, of Harlington, 
County Bedford, England. , 

The Virginia settlers came over in families or groups df 
connections. Thus William Bassett, founder of the distinguished 
family of that name calls Col. Nathaniel Bacon "brother," and 
George Lyddall was one of his executors. He saw Sir Philip 
Honiwood at White Hall in London and purchased lands belong- 
ing to Honiwood in Virginia. His wife was Bridget Cary, 
daughter of Miles Cary, of Bristol, and afterwards of Virginia, 

178 William and Mary Quarterly 

of the same family as Robert Cary, Lord Hunsdon. In his will 
Bassett mentions his nephew, Joseph Foster, and this nephew 
settled in Xew Kent County, became captain, colonel, &c, and his 
•descendants were leading citizens. And Bassett's sister, Mary 
Scott, was probably mother of Col. John Scott, of the same 
county. Thus there were ties of relationships between the 
Lyddalls, Bacons, Bassetts, Carys, Honiwoods, Fosters, Wood- 
wards, &c. 


Compiled by Mrs. James H. French, Fort Worth, Texas. 

A record of the Washington and Lanier families from 1 183 
was made up principally from the records of George P. Custis, 
of Arlington, adopted son of General George Washington. 
Through this record an error has existed for years, in many sec- 
tions throughout the South, and is herewith corrected by copies 
of wills and numerous other authorities cited. His record states 
that John Washington, son of Lawrence and Mildred Warner 
Washington, married Catherine Whiting, of Gloucester County 
Virginia, and that their daughter, Elizabeth married Thomas 
Lanier and they had Richard, Elizabeth, and Sampson. Now 
the reading of a genealogy compiled by George Washington, him- 
self, will show that Elizabeth, daughter of John Washington 
and Catherine Whiting never married. Her tombstone also 
speaks as follows: (See William and Mary Quarterly, Vol., 
JL, No. 4, page 226, April, 1894.) "She was a maiden, virtuous 
without reservedness, wise without affectation, beautiful without 
knowing it. She left this life on the 5th day of February, in the 
year mdccxxxvi., in the 20th year of her age." 

We will show now who this Elizabeth Washington was who 
married Thomas Lanier. In the chancel of the Church of St. 
Nicholas, Islip, there is a monument of round stone, supported 
by two small Tuscan pillars, and on a tablet between the pillars is 
this inscription : 

William and Mary Quarterly 179 

"Here lieth the body of Dame Mary, wife unto Sir John 
Washington, Knight, daughter of Phillipe Curtis, Gente., who 
has issue by her said husband, 3 sons; Mordaunt, John and 
Phillipe. Deceased 1st of January, 1624." 

There is an old manor house in the village, which for genera- 
tions has been known as the Washington House, where it is very 
probable that the above lady lived. 

Sir John Washington, Knight, was a son of the second Law- 
rence Washington, of Brington. He had a brother, also named 
Lawrence, who took holy orders and was rector of Purleigh, 
Essex. It is from this Lawrence Washington that George Wash- 
ington, first President of the United States was descended. 

The rector of Islip in 1910 wrote to J. E. Washington, mem- 
ber of Congress from Tennessee from 1897 to 1907, asking him 
if he knew of this monument in the above church. He replied, 
saying, "that he had good reason to believe that Dame Mary's 
son, John Washington, was the first of his ancestors in Virginia." 
Mr. Washington has a beautiful home thirty miles from Nash- 
ville, Tenn., which he calls "Wessington" (original name of the 
family). In a letter dated June, 191 1, he says: "Sons Phillipe 
and Mordaunt, sons of Sir John and Dame Mary, died without 
issue. Their son, John Washington, was in the Barbadoes be- 
tween 1650 and 1658." 

In July of the same year, 191 1, Joseph E. Washington visited 
Islip, and the rector placed before him the idea of some memorial 
in the church to the memory of his ancestor. 

In a genealogical pamphlet published on tho W T ashingtons, 
Lieut.-Col. John Washington, of Westmoreland County, Va., 
ancestor of John Washington, referred to this John as "my cousin 
John in the Barbadoes." This John from the Barbadoes was 
married in 1658, in Surry County, Va., to the widow Mary Flood, 
who had been the widow of Richard Blount. After Mr. Wash- 
ington's death, she married Mr. Ford. 

John Washington and Mary Flood had an only child, Richard, 
whose will is dated in Surry County, Virginia, Nov. 9, 1/24, 
probated May 19, 1725 in Southwark Parish. He gives property 
to sons George, Richard, John, William, Thomas, James, and 

180 William and Mary Quarterly 

Arthur Washington, and Daughters Anne; Elizabeth Washington 
Lanier; son-in-law Sampson Lanier daughters Pricilla, Faith 
Parker, Mary Hart and beloved wife Elizabeth Washington; 
to four grandsons Arthur, Sampson, Richard and Lemuel. 

The wife of the testator, Richard Washington, was Elizabeth 
Jordan (daughter of Arthur Jordan, who died 4n 1698). Eliza- 
beth's will was dated May 21, 1755, in Surry County, Va. She 
gives property to George, Richard, John, Thomas (died in 1749), 
William, James and Arthur ; daughters Elizabeth Lanier, Pricilla 
Lanier, Faitha Parker, Mary Hart and daughter Anne. Eliza- 
beth was the wife of Sampson Lanier. 

Sampson Lanier, of Brunswick County, Va., made his will 
January 8th, 1742, probated May 5, 1745, which gives property 
to sons Thomas Lanier, sons Sampson and Richard ; daughter 
Elizabeth Burch, son Lemuel Lanier, son James, and gives prop- 
erty to wife (no name given). From Sampson Lanier descended 
Sidney Lanier, the poet. Lemuel, son of Sampson and Elizabeth 
Washington, made his will in 1817, probated same year in 
Rutherford County, Tenn. ;. gives property to beloved wife Lucy, 
to daughters Martha Fagan, Elizabeth Floyd, grandsons Robert 
Lanier Fagan, Samuel S. Kelly, and Abner Kelly; Lemuel 
Lanier is mentioned in Albemarle Parish register, in 1743. John 
S. Fagan, who married Martha Lanier, daughter of Lemuel, 
served three years in the War of the Revolution and his name is 
on a monument erected at "Kings Mountain" and another erected 
in the courthouse yard in Nashville, Tenn., by the Daughters of 
the American Revolution. Their son, Robert Lanier Fagan, 
served in the War of 1812, and was wounded Dec. 23, 1814. 
Robert Lanier Fagan, the grandfather of Mrs. H. H. Neill, 
widow of the highly esteemed and lamented Chief Justice Neil! 
of San Antonio, Texas. 

Authorities : Richmond Times-Dispatch y William and 
Mary Quarterly, Vol. IV., page 35 ; New England Historical 
and Genealogical Register, Vol. XLIV., page 307. 

William and Mary Quarterly 181 


Communicated by Mrs. N. E. Clement, Chatham, Va. 

In number 3 of Vol. XXII., in an account of the Allen family, 
mention is made of the marriage of Elizabeth Allen to Field 
Jefferson, mother of Col. Peter Jefferson, of Albemarle. Field 
Jefferson's will, dated 1762, is filed at Mecklenburg Courthouse, 
and in it he names four sons, viz. : Thomas, Peter Field, George 
and John. 

George Jefferson patented large bodies of land in Pittsylvania 
County, a part of which he later sold to his brother Peter Feld. 

In the first lists of tithables taken in Pittsylvania County 
we find, 

"List of Tithables taken by George Jefferson in Pittsylvania 
County, Camden Parish, Year 1767." 

In list occurs following items: 
"George Jefferson (Mecklenburg) 

John Davis, Overseer, and negroes (towit), Land 

Tithes Acres. 

Sam, Chance, Pompey, Phillis, Pal and Sary 7 8000 

In May, 1774, George Jefferson, of Lunenburg, sells to Peter 
Field Jefferson, of Mecklenburg, for £120, 409 acres on Turkey 
Cock Creek, Pittsylvania Co. 

For £60, 321 acres on Sailor's Creek, Pittsylvania co. 

For £500, 1005 acres on Turkey Cock Creek, Pittsylvania. 

Again in 1776, he sells him 140 acres in Pittsylvania. Peter 
Field Jefferson must have soon after this removed to Pittsyl- 
vania County to live, for in 1779 we mic ^ n * m selling" 3S0 
acres for £350 to Elisha Walker, and in the deed giving his place 
of residence as Pittsylvania County. There is no will of Peter 
Field Jefferson recorded in Pittsylvania, but there is one of his 
wife, Mrs. Elizabeth Jeiterson, dated 1828. In it she mentions 

182 William and Mary Quarterly 

following children: Sons Field Jefferson, John Jefferson, 
Samuel A. Jefferson, Alexander Jefferson, Archer Jefferson, 
dee'd, and Thomas Jefferson, dee'd; daughters Patsy Brewer 
and Judith Jefferson. From the marriage Register we find 
that on Feb. 2j, 1806, Thomas Jefferson married Elizabeth Ball. 
Feb. 20, 1808, Alexander Jefferson married Elizabeth Smith. 
Alexander Jefferson's will is dated 1837 and probated 1838. 

A grandson of Alexander Jefferson, Col. David Alexander 
Jefferson, of Chatham, Virginia, is a prominent member of his 
family to-day. 


At the arrival of the first colonists at Jamestown in 1607 there 
was a tribe of Indians living on the south side of Potomac River 
at the entrace, called Wiccocomicos, having 130 fighting men. 
These Indians were small in statue, and quite a contrast to the 
giant Susquehannas, who occupied the country at the head of 
Chesapeake Bay. Adjoining the Wiccocomicos was a small tribe 
of thirty fighting men called Chickacoans. In 1634, when Leon- 
ard Calvert came with his settlers to St. Mary's, the Yeocomico 
tribe, who inhabited on the north side of the Potomac, being 
much harassed by the Susquehannas, sold Calvert's settlers their 
lands and moved across the river and settled in the district called 
after them Yeocomico, in what is now Westmoreland County, Va. 

During the difficulties which ensued in Maryland between 
Calvert and William Claiborne, who had settled Kent Island, 
and regarded the charter of Maryland as a spoliation of the 
territory of Virginia and a usurpation of his rights, Chicacoan 
became a refuge and a rallying point for Protestants disaffected 
to the government of Lord Baltimore, w r ho was a Catholic. A 
settlement grew up within the jurisdiction of Virginia, but sepa- 
rated by many miles of unbroken forest from the settlements 
on the Jamestown peninsula. 

William and Mary Quarterly 183 

For sometime these fugitives from Maryland were not noticed 
by the law givers at Jamestown, and were not taxed in the levies, 
but a step was made in this direction when in February, 1645, the 
Chickacoan district having been erected by the governor and 
council into a county called Northumberland, was required like 
the other counties to contribute to the expenses of the war then 
being carried on with the Indians, and in November, 1645, 
Northumberland was represented for the first time in the House 
of Burgesses by a prominent merchant named John Mottrom, 
who not long before had removed from York to this distant set- 
tlement on the Potomac. 

Probably the turmoils of Maryland, for which the Chickacoan 
settlement furnished a plotting place, were too engaging for any 
other thoughts and, despite the commands of Jamestown, North- 
umberland failed to contribute any taxes, and the county had no 
representative in the Assembly of October, 1646. 

This negligence did not pass unnoticed, and the last act of the 
session at this time after declaring that " the inhabitants of 
Chickawane, alias Northumberland, have not hitherto contri- 
buted towards the charges of the war," assessed the county at the 
rate of 78 pounds of tobacco for every person, 15^4 pds. of 
tobacco for every 100 acres of land and 15 24 pds. of tobacco for 
every cow above three years of age, and threatened that "in case 
the said inhabitants shall refuse or deny payment thereof the 
next Assembly shall take speedy course to call them off the 
said plantation." 

Even after this the authority of Assembly failed to command 
respect, for though the county was represented the following 
Assembly in November, 1647, by ^ r - William Presley, the first 
act of the next Assembly of October, 1648, took the case of 
Northumberland again in hand, and, while extending to it the 
right of representation and the promise of furnishing the people 
patents for their lands, authorized and directed Capt. Francis 
Poythress, who commanded the militia north of the York to col- 
lect not only the taxes ordered by the then Assembly but all 
taxes in arrears, and in case of refusal to distrain for them. 

184 William and Mary Quarterly 

This decisive measure seems to have ended the trouble, and 
Northumberland was represented in the next Assembly (October, 
1649) ^ Capt. Francis Poythress and John Trussell, and con- 
tinuously afterwards. In 1653 the upper parts of Northumber- 
land from Machodoc river to the falls of Potomac, where the 
Necostan Indians had their village, was made into Westmoreland 

Presley Family. 

1. William 1 Presley, who appeared as the representative 
for Northumberland Co. in 1647, was afterwards a representa- 
tive in 165 1. He was one of the justices or commissioners of 
the court, and his will dated Aug. 15, 1650, was proved Jan. 20, 
1656. He had issue named in his will. 2 William, 3 Peter, 
under age in 1650. 

2. William 2 Presley, {William 1 ) was a justice of Northum- 
berland County and a burgess during the long Assembly 1662- 
1676, and afterwards till his death about 1685. He is remem- 
bered for his rather quaint sayings during Bacon's Rebellion. 
One of the grievances leading to those disturbances was Berke- 
ley's continuing the same Assembly for fourteen years, without 
an election (1662-1676). At last yielding to the public com- 
plaints, he called a new Assembly. At its meeting in June, 1676, 
some one moved to invite the governor to send two of the coun- 
cil to sit with the committee on Indian affairs. This was objected 
to, and in reply a member urged that this was the usual method 
of procedure. Whereupon ''the old Assembly-man," Mr. Presley, 
arose, and in "a blundering manner" said "Tis true it had been 
customary, but if we have any bad customs amongst us, we are 
come here to mend them," which set the House to laughing. 1 
Presley considered the custom a bad one, as it was tantamount 
to having spies present in the committee. 

After Bacon's death, Sir William Berkeley hung so many of 
his followers that the Assembly which met in February, 1677, 
begged him to desist, and Mr. Presley on his coming back home 
to Northumberland remarked to his colleague, Thomas Matthew, 
of Cherry Point, who wrote for Lord Oxford an interesting ac- 

William and Mary Quarterly 185 

count of Bacon's Rebellion, that "he believed the governor would 
have hanged half the country if we had let him alone." 

2. William 2 Presley died about 1685, and kft issue: 4 
William, named in the will of William Presley his father, but 
who did not survive his father; 5 Peter, who on May 20, 1685, 
is mentioned as "heir to his father, Mr. William Presley, dec'd.*' 

5. Peter 3 Presley (William/ William 1 ) was one of the jus- 
tices in Northumberland in 1685, and appears in the records as 
"Peter Presley, Jr.," to distinguish him from his uncle Peter. 
He was captain in 1692 and a burgess at the Assembly, which 
met in April of that year. He probably left female descendants 
as the name Presley was used in a number of families of the 
Northern Neck, Cox, Carr, &c, which indicates intermarriages. 

3. Peter 2 Presley (William 1 ) was a justice of the peace in 
Northumberland Co. from 1660, and burgess for the county in 
1677, 1684, and perhaps other years. He died in 1693, but as his 
will cannot be found on record we only know of two of his 
issue. 7 Jane, who married (1) Richard Rogers, (2) Christopher 
Neale, and 8 Peter, who was a minor at the time of his father's 
death. Thus a commission of administration was granted on the 
estate of Peter Presley, dec'd 19 April, 1693, to Mr. Peter 
Presley (afterwards Col. Peter Presley) and Thomas Hobson as 
overseers of his will, in behalf of his infant son Peter. Peter 
was still under age in 1699 (Quarterly, XXII., 211.) 

8. Peter 3 Presley (Peter, 2 William 1 ) was sheriff of North- 
umberland and colonel of militia in 1712, and burgess in the 
Assemblies from 1710 to 1749. He married W T inifred Grifhn, 
daughter of Col. Leroy Griffin (born in 1646), and had issue: 
6 Winifred, only child and heiress, who married Anthony Thorn- 
ton. Col. Presley was murdered by his servants, and his will 
dated Aug. 12, 1748, was proved Sept. 10, 1750. With him the 
male line of the Presley family in Virginia appears to have be- 
come extinct. Col. Peter Presley gave 'nearly all of his exten- 
sive estates in Virginia and elsewhere to his grandson Presley 
Thornton, who was born in 1722, resided at "Northumberland 
House," and was a member of the council from 1760 till his 
death December 8, 1769. For his descendants see Quarterly, 
IV., 176. 

186 William and Mary Quarterly 

Hobson Family. 

The statement made in Quarterly, XXL, 139, needs revi- 
sion. Thomas 1 Hobson, who was resident in 1624 in Charles 
City Corporation, in the employment of Mr. William Whitaker, 
who treated him as "his son and child," was not the same as 
Thomas 2 Hobson, clerk of Lancaster Co., but he may have been 
his father. The latter, according to his deposition in 1671 
stated his age at 35 years, which would make him born in 1636. 
Henry Watts gave legacies to his "sons-in-law" (the old term 
for "stepsons") Thomas, John and Francis Webb, so it might 
seem that Thomas Hobson married a sister of these Webbs. 
Thomas Llobson was clerk of Northumberland Co. as early as 
1664, and continued to hold the office till his death, which oc- 
curred probably in 1682, since in 171 1 his son Thomas, then 
clerk, stating his age as forty-five, gave evidence from his father's 
book of clerk fees from 1675 t0 1682. He had issue (1) 
Thomas, 3 (2) Josiana, (3) Elizabeth. The two last are named 
in the will of Henry Watts. 

Of these Thomas 3 Hobson was born in 1666 and succeeded 
his father as clerk, continuing in that office till 1716. He was a 
member of the House of Burgesses in the Assembly of 1700-1702. 

He married Sarah , and had issue, the following children 

named in the parish records and the county books: (1) 
Thomas* born August 30, 1694; (2) Sarah; (3) William, 4 ' born 
April 28, 1700; (4) John, born March 4, 1701 ; (5) Eliza; (6) 
Lettisina ; (7) Clerk (a daughter probably named such in honor 
of the clerkship of the county, which had been held in the family 
for more than fifty years). Of these children, Thomas 4 died 
in 1726 and left his property to his brother William and sisters. 
William married in 1723 Judith Fleet, daughter of Henry Fleet, 
who was grandson of Capt. Henry Fleet, famous as an Indian 
trader in early Maryland and Virginia. William 4 Hobson had 
issue: (1) Sarah, born May 29, 1775; (2) Judith, 1727; (3) 
John, born April 13, 1730; (4) Mary Ann; (5) Betty. 

William and Mary Quarterly 187 

Probably Adcock Hobson was another son of William Hobson. 
He married July 30, 1741, Joanna Lawson, daughter of John 
and Mary Lawson, of Richmond Co., and had issue. He moved 
to Cumberland County and was the ancester of the Hobsons in 
that region. See Miller, Genealogy of the Carter Family, p. 135. 

Schrever Family. 

1. Bartholomew 1 Schrever (Schriver) married 1st Mary, 
daughter of Paschall Dennis, (son of John Dennis). Barbara, 

Paschall Dennis' widow, married 2dly Salisbury, and 3<lly 

Thomas Fearn, by which last husband she had a daughter Mary, 
who died without issue. (Northumberland Co. Records.) By 
this marriage Schrever had son 2 Dennis who probably died 
early. He married 2dly Mary, who had been previously the 
widow of Thomas Heath, and was the executrix of Capt. William 
Lee, who died about 1696. By this marriage he had issue 3 
Bartholomew Schrever, Jim., born probably about 1698. 

March 20, 1694-5, Capt. William Lee brought a suit. 

October 4, 1695, he is said to have made a note and was 
therefore living. 

Sept. 16, 1696, upon petition of Bartholomew Schrever and 
Mary, his wife, executrix of Capt. William Lee, dee'd, the 
estate of Capt. William Lee is ordered by the court to be ap- 

Nov. 20, 1 701, Bartholomew Schrever and Mary, his wife, 
late Mary Heath executrix of Capt. William Lee, dee'd. 

Bartholomew Schrever, Sr., died in 1720. See Lee, Lee of 
Virginia, p. 73.) 

2. Bartholomew 2 Schrever {Bartholomew 1 ) born about 

1698, married Sarah Hull, daughter of Richard Hull and ■ — 

Gaskins. (b. Dee. 25, 1706.) He had issue 4 Elizabeth 3 Schrever, 
who died in 1738, leaving her property to her Gaskins relations. 
He died in 1727. 

Bishop Meade has mentioned a tankard, "The gift of Bartho- 
lomew Schriver, who died in 1720, and of Bartholomew, his son, 
who died in 1727, for the use of the parish of Great Wycomico, 

188 William and Mary Quarterly 

in the county of Northumberland, 1728." (Old Churches, Fami- 
lies, &c, II., 134.) 

The will of Bartholomew Schrever (dated the 21st of March, 
1720), mentioned his wife Mary and son Bartholomew; left "$£ 
to Wicomico Church to be used towards buying Communion 
plate"; also io£ to buy "term" mourning rings; for Mr. Richard 
Lee, Mr. Charles Lee and wife, Mr. Thomas Waddy and wife, Mr. 
Thomas Heath and wife, for "sister Bol," and for Sam'] Heath 
and wife. Residue of his estate to his son Bartholomew. 

Bartholomew Schrever, Jr. (will dated 14 December, 1727; 
probated April, 1728), gave 2$£ to Mary Heath, daughter to his 
brother Sam'l Heath, to be paid when 16, or at marriage, which- 
ever should first happen ; to Elizabeth, daughter of his dec'd 
brother, Thomas Heath, also 2$£ on same terms ; to Wicomico 
Church, £5 to be added to the £5 already given by his father; 
50 acres of land to his brother, Sam'l Heath. Residue of estate 
to the lawful male issue of his daughter, Elizabeth. In default 
of such issue, the estate to pass to brother, Sam'l Heath, who was 
appointed sole executor. (Lee, Lee of Virginia, 72-73.) 

Hull Family. 

1. John 1 Hull obtained a patent in Northumberland Co., 
Oct. 18, 1650, for 200 acres due for the importation of "J onn 
Hull, twice, Sarah, his wife, and Charles Parker." He had 
numerous other grants in the Northern Neck, one in Rappa- 
hannock County in 1662, for 5,000 acres. He had the title of 

colonel of militia. He married secondly Ann , and his 

will was dated May 19, 1667, to which a codicil was added dated 
April 16, 1668. He names wife Ann and children: 2 Maryann, 
3 Ann, who made a marriage contract with Richard Smith, of 
Fairfield, Northumberland Co., in July, 1669; 4 Thomas, under 
17 in 1667. He died before April 16, 1668, date of codicil; 5 
Richard, 2 6 John. 

5. Richard 2 Hull (John 1 ), is stated in the records to have 
made his will Oct. 11, 1693, but the will itself is not on record in 
any of the books at the county seat, Northumberland C. H. He 

William and Mary Quarterly 189 

died before 1696, when Mr. Peter Presley, Capt. Peter Hack and 
Mr. Charles Harris are mentioned as executors of Richard Hull, 
dec'd, during the minority of his son Richard Hull. In 1699, 
Anne Hull, executrix of John Hull, dec'd, brought suit against 
Capt. Peter Hack and Mr. Charles Harris, surviving exors. of 
Mr. Richard Hull, dec'd. He had issue (St. Stephen's Parish 
Register, Quarterly, XVII., p. 244) : 7 Sarah, born Dec. 18. 
1680, married Henry Brereton, son of Major Thomas Brereton, 
of Wicomico, Northumberland Co., since "Henry Brereton and 
Sarah, his wife, one of the daughters of Richard Hull, de- 
ceased," brought suit against Richard Hull, executor of Richard 
Hull, deceased, Nov. 19, 1707, 8 Mary, born Dec. 12, 1682; 
9 Richard? born April 14, 1685; 10 Rebecca, who married 
Thomas Suggett. 

9. Richard 3 Hull {Richard, 2 John 1 ), was born 14 April, 
1685, and died before Dec. 18, 1717, when his inventory was re- 
ported to the court by his widow Mrs. Hannah Harris. He was 
twice married. His first wife was a daughter of Thomas Gaskins 
and Martha Pinkard, his wife, since Thomas Gaskins executes 
a deed of gift 17 June, 171 3, to his "granddaughter Sarah Hull." 
By this wife he had 11 Sarah, born 25 Nov. 1706, married Bartho- 
lomew Schrever, Jr., who had one daughter, Eliza Schrever, who 
died in 1738. (Quarterly, XL, 278.) 12 Richard, born Aug. 
4, 1709; 13 William, born 31 Aug., 1713. Richard Hull's second 
wife was Hannah Kenner (born 31 August, 1695), daughter of 
Rodham Kenner and Hannah Fox, his wife, whom he mar- 
ried about 17 14, since in that year mention is made in the records 
of "Richard Hull and Hannah, his wife, one of the daughters 
of Rodham Kenner." (Quarterly, XVII. , 63, where 1704 is 
printed incorrectly for 1714.) By this marriage he had 14 
Richard, born April 13, 1717, the half brother of the same name 
having probably died, though in these days the same name was 
often given to two brothers. 

After Richard Hulls' death his widow married 2dly. John 
Harris; he died in 1718, naming in his will wife Hannah. She 
then married Thomas Cralle. In 1719, Thomas and Hannah 
Cralle were administrators of Richard Hull, dec'd, and in 1720 

190 William and Mary Quarterly 

Mrs. Hannah Cralle, " formerly Hannah Hull," reported to the 
Court the estate of "Richard Hull, son of Richard Hull, de- 
ceased." Thomas Cralle died in 1726, naming in his will his 
wife Hannah. After his death Hannah married his brother John 
Cralle. (See also Hayden, Virginia Genealogies.) 

14. Richard 4 Hull (Richard/ Richard, 2 John 1 ), born April 
13, 1717, married Elizabeth Gaskins, daughter of Thomas 
Gaskins and Mary his wife, and granddaughter of Thomas 
Gaskins * and Martha Pinkard his wife. In 1738-1739 he 
received his share of Elizabeth Schrever's estate and his 
wife's part of her father's estate. He was a member of the 
House of Burgesses from 1762 to 1765, and his will was proved 
Feb. 10, 1777. He had issue: 15 Anne, born Jan. 7, 1739-1740; 
16 Richard, born Dec. 14, 1741, but not named in will; 17 Eliza- 
beth, born May 1, 1745, married Charles Bell; 18 Thomas, twin 
to Elizabeth, but not named in will ; 19 Sarah, born Sept. 2y, 
1747, married Charles Lee of "Cobbs Hall," Northumberland 
Co. ; 20 Hannah, born Dec. 26, 1749, married her first cousin, 
Thomas Gaskins son of her uncle Col. Thomas Gaskins and 
Sarah Eustace, his wife; 21 John, born Sept. 21, 1752, who 
married his first cousin Sarah Gaskins, and was a major of 
the Northumberland Co. militia in the War of the Revolution; 
22 Martha and 23 Mary twins, born Nov. 10, 1754; 24 Edwin, 
born Sept. 2, 1760; 25 Molly, born Dec. 25, 1761. 

A Captain Peter Hull was a burgess for Isle of Wight Co. 
in 1645, and a Peter Hull was a captain the Augusta militia, 
during the American Revolution. Augustine Hull was commis- 
sioned in 1661 justice of the adjoining courts of Westmoreland 
Co. He it was doubtless, who married Anne, daughter of 
Thomas Sturman, and widow of Thomas Yowell. In Quar- 
terly, IV., 41, she is said to have married John Hull, which must 
be a mistake. 

William and Mary Quarterly 191 


By Mrs. O. A. Keach, Wichita, Kansas. 

These notes of prominent early Northumberland Co. families 
are assembled because of their value to genealogical students. 
Many interesting probabilities offer themselvs, and the 
discovery of private records may supplement what the county 
records fail to make clear. Every suggestion not supported by 
positive proof has been given very careful study from all sources • 
of circumstantial evidence open to the writer. 

There were four prominent families of Joneses in Northum- 
berland Co. My first record is of Thos. Jones, mentioned Sept. 
20, 1652, as a headright of Mr. Richard Turney. 

Among the patents issued by the Royal Gov 1 was one to 
a Thos. Jones Aug. 6, 1655, for 400 a. of land on the n. side of 
the James river, and an abstract from the will of Wm. Thomas 
Jan. 2, 1656 (Va. Hist. Mag.) recites that a legacy was left "To 
Thos. Jones here in Va., also to Sarah Jones, late wife of Richard 
Jones." These references to Thos. Jones are mentioned merely 
as interesting possibilities for his future historian. The Northum- 
berland Co. Thos. Jones died before May 16, 1694, as his will 
was probated at that time by Mr. Edward Fielding, one of the 
executors, who afterwards evidently married his "relict," Hannah 
Jones. Further notes of Thos. Jones and his descendants will 
be given in a later article. 

The Lancaster Co. Court on Oct. 6, 1652, granted a certifi- 
cate of land to Mr. David Fox for the transportation of six 
persons. Among them was Hugh Jones. At about the same 
date Mr. Lawrence Dameron, of Wicomico Par., North'd Co., 
transported Jeane Jones. In the Order Book, 167S-98, is a 
record of Jeane Jones, relict of Hugh Jones. St. Stephen's 
Parish Register records the birth of five children to Hugh Jones, 
John, b. April 13, 1662; Roger, b. Feb. 14, 1671 ; Elinor, b. 
Aug. 12, 1674; Mary, b. Aug. 3, 1676; Eliz., b. Feb. 15, 167 — . 

192 William and Mary Quarterly 

The many references in the Order Books at Heathsville, 
would make it appear that Robert, Hugh, and Thomas Jones 
were brothers. (And it is interesting to note that Heathsville, 
the county seat of Northumberland Co., derives its name from 
John Heath, a great-great grandson of Robert Jones.) 

Robert and Thomas Jones were both prominent in the early 
life of the colony, and left numerous descendants. Closely related 
to the older Joneses were Hew'es, Cossens, Jaunceys, Lamberts, 
Claughtons, Fieldings, Haynes and Ironmongers. 

My first mention of Robert Jones in .North'd Co. records is in 
July, 1660. His business seemed to demand frequent absences 
from home and his wife Martha transacted his afTairs with des- 
patch and ability. In fact, Martha Jones shows in the records 
as an example of the strong, competent gentlewoman, who bore 
heroic share in the successful shaping of colonial life. The 
writer has not sufficient data to attempt a conjecture of her 
origin, but two records containing the name of Martha Jones 
are herewith introduced as a matter of interest. In the Va. 
Historical Mag., July, 1905, p. 53, is given an abstract of the 
will of Daniel Lluellen, of Chelmsford, Essex planter, dated 
Feb 1 6. 1663, in which his dau. Martha Jones is given 2 servants. 
His wife Anne, and dau. Mary Deerington, widow, are also men- 
tioned. James Janncey is named an executor, and this gives 
some significance to the will as future records will make evident. 

It will be remembered by those familiar with Hayden's Gen- 
ealogies, that Martha and Mary Jones, daus. of Hannah Ball, 
are mentioned among the headrights of Col. Wm. Ball, when 
he is granted certificate for land April 17, 1667. In the North'd 
Co. Court Mch. 19, 1672, an order was made for Mr. Robert 
Jones to pay over to Col. Wm. Ball 1524 pounds of tobacco, and 
after the death of Robert Jones Col. Wm. Ball got judgment 
against his estate for that amount. 

The will of Daniel Lluellen was dated 1663 with James 
Jauncey as an executor. In Order Book 1666 to 78 North'd Co. 
Mrs. Martha Jones brought suit against Mr. Wm. Jauncey. In 
this same Order Book Mr. Wm. Jauncey is set down as the 

William and Mary Quarterly 193 

brother-in-law of Mr. John Cosscns, and Mary Cossens was 
witness to the will of Daniel Holland. 

Two or three items from these early books, bearing on the 
later history of the family, will be mentioned here. On page 
21, O. B. 1666-72, is recorded a deed of gift from Martha Jones 
to Robert Atkins, son of John Atkins and on p. 33 of this same 
book, Robert Jones is designated bro-in-law of Wm. Ironmonger. 

Another note for future reference is that the will of Robert 

Francis devises a legacy to Mary Jones and Susan, wife of 

Hughes. This name was variously spelled in the court records — 
Hughes, Hewes, and Hues. 

Susan Hughes was probably the wife of Jonathan Hughes. 

One of Mr. Lothrop Withington's "Gleanings," in a recent 
William and Mary Quarterly doubtless refers to Robert 
Jones of Fleet's Bay, though he may not have lived in Northum- 
berland at this time. 

"10th May, 1656, Robert Jones, Englishman, factor in Va. 
landed at Dover the 4th of the present month, out of the Wm. & 
John, . . . come to London on ye 9th and lodgeth at ye 
house of Evan Prichards at ye red Lyon . . . and saith 
yt haveing brought a quantitie of Tobacco over with him his busi- 
ness is to make sale of the same and to employ himself in his 
affairs relating to Va." 

Prichard is a well known name both in Lancaster and North- 
umberland Co. and will later be mentioned in connection with the 
second generation of Jones. 

In Dec, 1662, Robert Jones made a deed to John Williams, 
planter, for 500 acres of land on the S. side of the Potomac 
river . . . near Machoatique Creeke, which had been as- 
signed to him the last day of July, 1660. The release of dower 
rights was authorized by Martha Jones, wife of Robert, through 
her atty, Mr. Thos. Hobson. 

The next record is of considerable historical value, as an ori- 
ginal deed from the "Wickocomico Indians." 

Whereas it was ordered the sixt day of Aug. last past by the 
Commissioners appoynted for the Indian affairs That Robert 
Jones by the consent of the Wickocomico Indians should enjoy 

194 William and Mary Quarterly 

the necke of Land where here dwelleth, extending up alonge the 
northernmost branche to the glade, in consideracons of 12 moch- 
coats to bee paid at the arrivall of the second shipp, now these 
presents witness that we the greate men of Wickocomico Indian 
Towne doe acknowledge to have received the sd consideracons 
in the presence of Col. John Carter and therefore doe hereby 
bargain and sell the sd land with all its apportunances to the sd 
Robt Jones, his heyres and assignes forever And alsoe doe hereby 
authorise Mr. Thos. Hobson in our names and as our attorney to 
acknowledge this in court 

Witness our hands this I7 nth of Nov. 1662 
Witness. John Carter Orasonay X 

Geo Seaborne Chistecuttewaws X 

John Carter Tatemenony X 

In the same year 1662 Richard Fielding, of Bristol, merchant 
gave "Robert Jones of Great Wiconico" power of atty to transact 
business for him in Va. 

There are numerous references to Mr. Robert Jones in the 
county books, but on account of limited space we must omit all 
except those most important. 

In 1669, Oct. 5, Mr. Robert Jones added 200 acres to his 
holdings by reason of four headrights, among them " a Dutch- 
man taken from him by the Dutch Fleet." 

On May 20, 1670, Mr. Robert Jones, Gent., was sworn high- 
sheriff with Mr. Wm. Carney, sub. sheriff. A little later he was 
empowered to pay Capt. Thos. Brereton . . . for work done 
on the new court house. 

The sheriff evidently gave some hours to relaxation from his 
duties, for in Nov. he and Mr. Sam'l Bayley had a "difference" 
in relation "to the ground the Horses were to run the race over 
for 2000 pds. of tobacco." 

Mch. 2&, 1671, Mr. Robert Jones brough suit against Capt. 
Jno. Lee for a Stone horse. 

On June 19th Mr. Robert Jones was appointed to take the 
"list of tythables" for the lower part of the Co. and on Oct. 
16th he was sworn a Justice of the Co. which office he filled 
for several vears. 

William and Mary Quarterly 195 

May 21, 1673, Mr. Robert Jones and Mr. Francis Lee were 
appointed to audit the accounts between Lt.-Col. John Carter 
and. Thos. Griffin, miller. 

On Feb. 3, 1674, Probate was granted Lt. Col. John Carter 
executor of the will of Mr. Jno. Cossens. An inventory of 
Mr. Cossen's estate was presented by Col. Carter and the Court 
empowered Mr. Robt. Jones to take the oath of sd. Carter con- 
cerning same. 

Mr. John Owens presented a bill against Mr. Cossens' estate 
for preaching the funeral sermon. The next year Mr. Robert 
Jones was appointed administrator of the estate of the Rev. John 
Owen, dec'd. 

Nov. 7, 1675, Mr. Jno. Gaylard having in Court used offen- 
sive language to Mr. Robert Jones, one of the members of the 
Court, gave a bond for good behavior. In Dec. Mr. Jones was 
appointed administrator of the estate of Mr. Thos. Lambert, 
with Thos. Winter sec. Thomas Lambert was also related to 
the family in some way. 

Mr. Robert Jones died in 1676. His will was probated Mch. 
1st, and Mrs. Martha Jones exc'rx was granted a commission of 
administration on the estate of her dec'd husband. Her securities 
were Col. St. Leger Codd and Mr. Jno Harris. The appraisers 
appointed at her request were Col. St. Leger Codd, Mr. John 
Haynie, Maj. Thos. Brereton and Mr. Edward Porteus. 

On July 4, 1676, Mr. Win. Ball presented an account against 
the estate for bill Dated Dec. 29, 1675. ^ r - Francis and Hancock 
Lee also presented accounts and Mrs, Martha Jones was awarded 
an attachment against the estate of Corderoy Ironmonger. 

July 19, 1677, she brought suit against Mr. IVm, Jauncey for 
1043 pounds of tobacco and that same year was exec'rx of the will 
of Robert Hughes. 

On Nov. 22, 1677, M*. Wm. Jones, the eldest son of Robt. 
Jones made oath that Chas. Morgan was indebted to Mrs. Martha 

A month later Dec. 20, 1677, the will of Airs. Martha 
Jones was proved by Mrs. Elizabeth Haynes or Haines and by 
a note from Mr. Thos. Haines, of Lancaster Co. Elizabeth 

196 William and Mary Quarterly 

Haines was probably the eldest dau. of Robert and Martha 

In April, 1678, the court appointed Wm. Jones administrator 
of the estate as follows : "Whereas Mrs. Martha Jones adminis- 
tratrix of Mr. Robert Jones lately dec'd left an estate with many 
children and by reason of the minority of most of the sd chil- 
dren the Court orders that Mr. Wm. Jones the eldest son take 
the said estate in his hands and manage same for the benefit of 
his brothers and sisters and give an account thereof when thereto 

From the various evidences it would seem that the first genera- 
tion of Jones in Northumberland Co. were I. Robert, II. Hugh, 
III. Thomas, IV. wife of Wm. Ironmonger, V. wife of John 
Atkins, VI. wife of Thos. Lambert, VII. Susan Hewes, wife 
of Jonathan Hewes. 

Mrs. Martha Jones and Mary Cossens, wife of Jno. Cossens 
may have been sisters. Mr. Jno. Cossens was bro-in-law to Mr. 
Wm. Jauncey. The will of Mr. Robert Jones was first probated 
Mch. 1, 1676, and was burned in the fire of 1710. It was quite 
fully quoted as evidence in a lawsuit in 1709, and finally recorded 
again by Mr. Richard Lee on Nov. 19, 1718. 

The will of Mr. Robert Jones of Fleets Bay, Northumberland 
Co., Va. Probated first Mch. 1, 1676, burned with other county 
records in 1710, and again presented for record by Mr. Richard 
Lee Nov. 19, 17 18. 

In the name of God Amen . . . the 14 th 1675. I Robert 

Jones in Fleets Bay &c. . . First I will and bequeath to 

my son Wm. Jones all my land from the branch to the 

plumb tree swamp and below it to the outmost bounds 

land & to his heirs and assigns forever. 

Item. I will and bequeth to my Sam'l Jones all my 

land from the afores'd Beach Branch ditch cast about 

the glade & the fences thereto belonging which joynes to 

swamp by the house of my cozen (nephew) Robert Hues (Hewes, 
Hughes) with all the glade opposite to him and to his heirs 
and assigns forever. 

William and Mary Quarterly 197 

Item. I will and bequeath to my son Robert Jones all the 
rest of my land as far as the mill path up the Hills — all the 
glade that is ditched in, and the old plantation whereon I live, 
the plantation of my cozen Robert Hues and to his heirs and 
assigns forever. 

Item. Whereas my son Maurice Jones have a competent seat 
of land given to him by his godfather Mr. John Cossens, my 

will and grant to him is that if any his aforesd brothers 

shall happen to die before they come to full age or without 
issue male then that divident of land belonging to h*is dec'd 
brother to belong to my son Maurice Jones and to his heirs 
and assigns forever. 

Items. My will and pleasure is that if any of the other sons 
happen to die before they come of full age or without issue 
male then that divident of land to be vallewed in tobacco and 
every child, sons and daughters to have equal shares and the 
land being equally shared among my sons and the sons paying 
the daus. their equal share in tobacco. 

Item. My will and pleasure is that if my 3 eldest sons shall 
live until they come of full age and enjoy their land, till my son 
Maurice Jones comes of age, that then his eldest bros Wm., Sam- 
uel, and Robert Jones pay unto their brother Maurice Jones 15000 
pounds of good merchantable tobacco convenient for him by equal 

Item. I will and bequeath to my cozen Jno Jones 1 young 
mare and 1 young heifer of 2 years old with their increase for- 
ever, with privelege of having good ground & housing sufficient 
for 2 servants for corn and tobacco at his choice upon any 3, 
dividents of land bequeathed to my three sons, Wm., Samuel and 
Robert Jones. I also give him 1 servant boy about 15 or 16 
years of age to be paid him within one year after my decease 
provided it be shipping time and in case of his decease without 
issue to return to my own children. 

Item. As to the land on the other side of "the mill path run- 
ning towards Peewanrs ( ?) Paplor & downwards the branches of 
Corotomon my will is that the said land be sold by my executrix 
towards payment of my debts. 

198 William and Mary Quarterly 

Item, as to my personal estate of what kind so ever I doe 
hereby will and bequeath to my loving wife Martha Jones & my 
will is that upon the arrival of each child to their full age or day 
of marriage by the consent of their mother, my sd wife Martha 
Jones shall pay to each child in horses, cattle and other Va. 
estate to the vallew of 7000 pounds of tobacco & 3000 pds tobacco 
in new furniture for a room and other necessarys. Always pro- 
vided that in case their mother shall be incapacitated exactly to 
perform it, that then neither of my children shall sue or molest 
their mother for the same if she continues still in her widow- 
hood, but forbear her till she be better 'able and upon the arrival 
of each of my sons to their full age, they to the best of their 
knowledge & power assist their mother in managing the estate 
and in case their mother dye, then as they come of age to have 
equal power with the overseers in managing the estate. Lastly 
I doe hereby ordain and appoint my sd loving wife Martha Jones 
executrix of this my last will and testament and my loving 
friends Mr. Thomas Haynes & Mr. Geo. Flowe — (Flowers) to be 
overseers of the same. 

Robert Jones ye seal 
Wit. Benj. Doggitt 

' Matthew Burrowes. 

Then the children of (1) Mr. Robert Jones and his wife 
Martha were from will. 

2 William, 3 Samuel, 4 Robert, 5 Maurice. 

From county record 6 Mary the wife of Mr. Geo. Wale (of 
Lancaster) . 

From other evidences it would seem that 7 Elizabeth wife of 
Mr. Thos. Haynes, 8 Margaret wife of Christopher Garlington 
9 Frances wife of Erasmus Withers and 2nd Mr. Jno. Curtis 
were daughters. 

The Carters, Lysters, Lees, Hobsons, Fitzhughs, Coutanceaus 
were intimately associated with this branch of the Jones family, 
but the Northumberland Co. records fail to clear up these rela- 

William and Mary Quarterly 199 

tionships. Later records would make it appear that John Jones, 
"Cozen*' of Robert Jones, was a son of Thos. Jones, whose widow- 
Hannah m. Richard Fielding. 

Some scattered notes of the Hughes or Hewes family may be 
of interest. Order Book, 1666 to 78, Mary Jones and Susan wife 

I of Hughes, legatees of Robert Francis deed. 

1671 May 30, Thos. Heckman vs. Johnathan Hewes. 1671 
Nov. 15, Robt. Flewes adm. of the estate of Robert Francis deed. 
1674 Richard Hewes app. appraiser. 

1676, May 17, Will of Robert Hughes, John Jones wit. 
1677, Mrs. Martha Jones mentioned as executrix of Robert 
Hughes. April 7, 1677, w *^ °f Thos. Hughes proved by Thos. 
Ashley & Geo. Pickering. Dec. 20, 1683, Geo. Hambleton to 
have estate of Geo. Hughes minor. 

1685, Thos. Hughes being of age petitions for land demised 
to him by father's will, Mr. John Hughes. Capt. John Haynie 
one of Judges. 

1697, Richard Hewes vs. Raleigh Travers. 

1703, Sept. 16, Richard Hewes judgment vs. Wm. Jones. 
This was Capt Richard Hewes, who m. Mary Ball, grand- 
mother of Geo. Washington. 

1718, Aug. 22, Mrs. Mary Hewes, widow of Capt Richard 
vs. Richard Jones, & also 1719, June 17, Mrs. Mary Hewes vs. 
Richard Jones. 

In his will Capt. Richard Hewes provided generously for his 

In a short time after becoming administrator of his father's 
estate, that is, Aug. 21, 1678, Mr. Wm. Jones paid to his sister 
Mary, wife of Mr. Geo. Wale, a Justice of Lancaster Co., her 
part of the estate of Robert Jones. 

On Oct. 17, Thos. Hobson sued Wm. Jones for 5813 pounds 
of tobacco, and as he instituted various suits against the estate 
for several years, it raises the query if he did not also marry 
one of the daus. of Robert Jones. 

On Aug. 19, 1680, Mr. Wm. Jones was appointed constable 
of the lower part of the county sometimes called Lee's Parish. 
This was his initiative into "official life." 

200 William and Mary Quarterly 

June 15, 1681, the nuncupative will of Mr. Erasmus Withers 
was presented by his widow Frances, to which Wm. Jones was a 
witness. Frances Withers was related to him in some way as 
after events proved. In North'd Co. two or three relatives were 
usually included among the appraisers of an estate by the peti- 
tion of the widow. On the list for the appraisement of the 
Withers estate were Mr. John Harris, Mr. Jno. Eustace, Mr. Wm. 
Jones & Mr. Thos. Waddy. 

On Dec. 6, 1682, he first appears as Capt. Wm. Jones. 

In 1685 Capt. Wm. Jones & Mr. Jno. 2 Eustace (Capt. Wm. 1 
who had m. Sarah Jauncey) sued Mr. Jno. Curtis who had m. 
Frances, the widow of Erasmus Withers. This suit was con- 
tinued thro several terms of court. 

In 1686 Capt. Jones entered Mr. Richard Haynie his attorney. 

On Mch. 19, 1691, Mr. Jno. Coutanceau began suit against 
Capt. Jones, which lasted over a long period. 

May 19, 1692, the list of tithables of the lower part of Lee 
Parish were orderd brought by Capt. Wm. Jones. On Nov. 16, 
in the Co. Levy of the same year he was allowed tobacco for 
"colours and leading staffe." 

From this period on Capt. Jones and Mr. Jno. Turberville 
were frequently associated. 

In the County Levy Dec. 21, 1693, Burgess charges were 
allowed the following: Mr. Richard Rogers, Mr. Richard Flynt, 
Capt. Wm. Lee, Mr. Cuthbert Span, Mr. Jno. Downing & Capt. 
Wm. Jones. 

Mch. 21, 1694, the three brothers Capt. Wm. Jones, Sam'l 
and Robert, united in a suit against Mr. Jno. Eustace for tres- 

On July 21, 1697, Capt. Jones was sworn High Sheriff. 

Sam'l Jones died Oct., 1697 without male issue, and a few 
months after, Capt. Wm. Jones was appointed administrator of 
his dee'd bro. and petitioned the court to appoint as appraisers 
Hancock Lee, Chas. Lee, Jno. Curtis, Thos. Curtis and James 

William and Mary Quarterly 201 

Feb., 1698, for the first time Morris Jones appears in the 
records entering Mr. Chas. Harris his atty, and petitioning that 
noe administration be granted on the estate of Mr. Sam'l Jones 
Until reasons could be assigned. 

It is possible that Morris Jones had lived in some other 
county. Mr. J no. Cossens had given, him "a competent seat of 
land" of which no trace has been found in North'd Co. 

The death of Sam'l Jones without male issue was the occa- 
sion of a redistribution of Mr. Robert Jones' estate, and Capt. 
Wm. 2 Jones as administrator was made party to numerous suits, 
which with further investigation may determine the complex 
relationships of this numerous family. At this time it is pos- 
sible to merely give the court records. 

1699, April 20, Wm. Lambert vs. Capt. Jones. 

June 22, Robert Roebuck vs. Capt. Jones, exc. Sam'l 

June 23, Richard Pemberton vs. Wm. Jones. 

Mr. John Turbeville vs William Jones. 

On July 19, 1699, Capt. Wm. Jones was sworn a Justice. On 
the same day he became security for Robert Roebuck on a bond 
td Capt. Wm, Lister. 

1699, Aug. 18, Martha Haynes vs. Capt. Wm. Jones. 
Wm Jauncey " 

1699, Sept. 23, Capt Wm. Jones & Col. Wm. Fitzhugh deed to 
Major Rodham Kenner. 

1699,. Oct. 18, Mr. Jas. Haynes deed to Capt. Wm. Jones. 

1700, April 18, Capt. Peter Knight atty for Capt. Wm. Jones 
assigns patent for 1200 acres to Thos. Hobson. 

1700, June 19, Col. Wm. Fitzhugh & Capt. Wm. Jones relin- 
quishment of a mortgage to Mai. Wm. Lister. Richard Haynie 
atty. On the same date Capt. Wm. Jones and Margaret, his wife, 
make a deed for 250 acres of land to Maj. Wm. Lister. Mr. 
Robert Jones acknowledges mortgage for 200 acres to Maj Lister, 
and Maj. Lister acknowledges receipt for £200 sterling to Capt. 

202 William and Mary Quarterly 

1700, Aug. 16, John Tarpley & Eliz his wife, admix of Wm 
Bruce vs. Capt Win Jones, adm. of Mr. Sam'l Jones. This suit in 
various form continued for nearly forty years. 

1701, Feb. 22, Morris Jones vs. Capt. Wm. Jones, James 
Haynes, Thos. Gaskins, Thos Pinckard, John Nicklers & his wife 
Eliz. adms, Mrs. Eliz. Pinckard dec'd. 

1701, April 16, Capt. Wm. Jones deed for 592 a. to Mr. Peter 
\ ,1703, Vincent Cox of Westmoreland Co. vs Capt Wm Jones. 
1704, Sept. 20, Capt Wm Jones & Margaret his wife by her 
atty Wm Jones Jr. deed for land to Robert Carter, Mr. Hancock 
Lee atty Robt Carter. 

1708, July 23, Deed to land from Peter Coutanceau, & Wm 
Jones Gent, to Robert Carter, Esq. 

On Jan. 19, 1709, the suit of Morris Jones vs Capt Wm Jones, 
adm. of Saml Jones, which had been on the records for nearly 
ten years in some form, was finally tried. The will of Mr. Robert 
Jones ''late of this Co," was used in evidence and quoted in the 
findings of the jury which were favorable to Morris Jones. 

1709, June 15, Upon the petition of Andrew Jackson & 
Dorothy, his wife, and Jno. Gresham, exec'rs of Wm.- Lister late 
of Lane. Co., Capt Wm. Jones and Mr. Wm. Jones were among 
the appraisers. 

1709, Sept 21, Harry Beverley of Middlesex Co. vs. Mr. Wm 

Jones, Sr., of Northo'd Co. 
Sept. 22, John Tarpley & Eliz his wife, exectrix of Mr. 
Wm. Bruce vs. Wm. Jones, admr of Sam'l 

1710. Mch. 15, Wm. Jones admitted administrator of his 
deed father, his mother Margaret Jones declining same. 

(To Be Continued.) \^ U \ 

William and Mary Quarterly 203 


On December 5th, there was unveiled on the walls of the main 
hall of the old College building (erected in 1 694) before a large 
audience a beautiful marble tablet presented by the Association 
for the Preservation of Virginia Antiquities, through Capt. John 
Archer Coke, of Richmond, who made the presentation address. 
The tablet reads as follows : 

Priorities of the College of William and Mary. 

Chartered February 8, 1693, by King William and Queen Mary. 
Main Building Designed by Sir Christopher Wrenn. 

First College in the United States in its antecedents, which go 
back to the College proposed at Henrico (1619). Second to 
Harvard University in actual operation. 

First American College to receive its charter from the Crown 
under the Seal of the Privy Council, 1693. Hence it was known 
as "their Majesties' Royal College of William and Mary." 
, First and only American College to receive a Coat-of-Arms 
from the Herald's College, 1694. 

First College in the United States to have a full Faculty, 
consisting of a President, six Professors, usher, and writing 
master, 1729. 

First College to confer medallic prizes : the gold medals 
donated by Lord Botetourt in 1771. 

fiRST College to establish an inter-collegiate fraternity, the 
Phi' Beta Kappa, December 5, 1776. 

First College to have the Elective System of study, 1779. 

First College to have the Honor System, 1779. 

First College to become a University, 1779. 

First College to have a school of Modern Languages, 1779. 

First College to have a school of Municipal and Constitutional 
La\v, 1779. 

First College to teach Political Economy, 1784. 

First College to have a school of History, 1803. 

204 William and Mary Quarterly 

(Continued from Page 20.) 

Att a Court holden for the County of Yorke the 26y of Octo- 
ber 1646: 

Whereas Thomas Beale hay in Co rt made sufficient pfe that 
yere is due to him twoe hundred & fifty Acres of land for ye 
transportation of five psons into yis Collony viz 1 . Tho. Beale, 
Alice Beale, Morgan Hennett, John Ashfield & John Heyward, 
The court doy order that certificate yereof be made ut sup. 

Whereas it appearey to the court by the confession of John 
Merryman that he stands indebted to Thomas Harrwod the sume 
of one thousand powndes of tob: for consideration of a man to 
keepe his booke & rec tob: in ye imployment of Capt. Derrick- 
son as alsoe twoe hundred powndes of tob : more wch he paid 
to Capt. Ch r : Calthropp at ye request of ye sd Merryman for 
ye sd Derrickson's debt. The Co rt doy Therefore order yat ye 
sd Merryman shall make payment, of ye sd twelve hundred 
powndes of tob: to ye sd Thomas Harrwod with Court charges 
within tenn dayes ells exec. 

Whereas there was divers men liveing at the lower end of 
Yorke psh who weare delinquent in sending upp a man to y* 
Middle Plantation for that gen r all worke in setting upp a pale 
yere according to former order whereby Capt. Robert Higginson 
was forst to put a man in his Rome, The Court doy Yere fore 
order that the said men so delinquent shall upon demand pay to 
y e s d Capt. Robert Higginson the sume of yerty five powndes of 
tobacco p. poll for satisfacon of the hire of a man in yeir room 
& by him im :loyed as affores d , and yat upon refusall Ye sherr, 
to distrayne for the same as in public leavyes. 

Whereas it appeareth to the Court by Attestacon out of Hol- 
land as [appears] by the oath of John Merryman that Capt. 
Derrickson carryed home in his shipp a maide servant by name 
Trinity Slough belonging to Mr. Richard Glover, the Court doy 

William and Mary Quarterly 205 

therefore order that th es d Richard Glover shall have an attach- 
ment against the estate of y e s d Capt. Derrickson for satis f aeon 
of y e s d Maide servant & damages yereby sustained. 

Nov. the 26 th 1646 p r sent 

Capt. Nicholas Martian, M r William Pryor, Capt. William 
Taylor, M r Rowland Burnham. 

Thomas Bremor committed to the sheriff to be detayned irt 
prison for "behaving himself unseemly" in y e presents off v* 
court for drunkenness. 

The Court doy order that if at any Co rt hereafter there be 
any man distempered with drinke whereby they may as fformerly 
boy abuse yemselves, and yis court, And if it appeare they had 
y* s d drinke from Thomas Deacon that yen y 6 s d deacon for let- 
ting yem y* s d drinke shall yerefore bide y e censure of yis Court. 

Whereas there was due to Robert Lewis from Edward Shel- 
endine, Wm. Todd, John Hartwell and Wm. Hunt sixe days 
worke for the soulder wch was presst for Rappahannock It is 
therefore ordered that y e s d Shelendine, Hartwell, todd & Hunt 
pay y* s d Lewis 100 b. tob. p. day for the s d worke according to 
former order (of) y* counsell of war. 

Nov. the 26 th 1646: 

Whereas M r Thomas Hampton Cler obtayned the Guardian- 
ship of the orphants of John Powell late of yis County dec, & 
hay possest himselfe with Yere estates and hay alsoe removed 
on of y e s d orphants with most pte of y e s d estates out of yis 
county and left behinde ye oyer orphant by name Wm. Powell 
without necessary pvison, to say, even starke naked whereupon 
y e Court upon y e pet of y e s d W m Powell doy order vat Thomas 
Harrwod shall take into his keeping W m Powell orphant and 
to pvide sufficient & necessary cloaying for y e s d W m Powell and 
at y* next County Court to give an ace 1 yereof at wch Co rt furyer 
order to be taken yerein and y l y 8 sherr shall hereby have power 
to make seizure of soe much tobacco as is due from a negro 
woman for her wages yis yeare wch belongs to y* s d orphants. 

206 William and Mary Quarterly 

And that a bull belonging to y e s d orphants wch dayly doy trespas 
y e Neighbours as p y e pet, of Rich : Wyate to y e Court be sold 
at y e best rate & paymt yereof made to y e s d Tho. Ilarrwod whoe 
is to give acco* hereof at y e next Court. 

December 21, 1646, Richard Wyat ordered to pay Thomas 
Eaton, of London, Currurgion, one hhd. of tobacco with Court 

Att a Court holden for the County of Yorke the 25 th January, 
1646, p r sent &c. In the name of god amen I \V m Pryor being 
sicke in body but pfect in minde & memory praysed be god re- 
voking all former wills doe make and ordayne yis my last will 
& testament in manner & forme following. Imp mis I give & be- 
queath my soule unto y e hands of almighty god my maker & my 
body to decent Christian buriall and as concerning my temporall 
estate vizt: I give & bequeath to my eldest daughter Margarett 
my whole pte of the shipp Honor and five hundred and ninety 
one powndes sterling. I give and bequeathe to my daughter Mary 
five hundred pounds sterling. I give & bequeathe to y e eldest 
sonn of my broyerlaw Jasper Clayton fifty pounds. I give & 
bequeath to y e wife of Richard Kemp Esq fifty pownds sterling, 
I give & bequeath to Rich Bennett Esq Yerty pounds sterling. 
I give & bequeath unto Capt. Thomas Harrison, capt of y e shipp 
Honor, yerty pounds sterling. I give & bequeath unto Capt. 
Thomas Harrwod yerty pounds sterling. I give & bequeath to 
my eldest daughter Margaret the whole divident of land where 
I now live wi'y all the appurtenances thereto ^belonging as 
howses, orchards or the like, but for the rest and remainder of 
my land, I give and bequeath to my daughter Mary. 

I give & bequeath to Mrs. Mary Kerton one hundred pounds 
sterling. My will is yat if in case I have not soe much money 
now in England to pay & discharge the legacyes abovesd that 
my children being my execut" shall be pd in y e first place, and 
the legacy to others following, that is out of y 6 pceed of y 8 tob: 
that shall be sent home yis yeare or yereafter what shall be 
prduced out of my estate yere in Virginia. And for the rest of 

William and Mary Quarterly 207 

my temporall estate of what kind & quality or condition soe ever 
that shall be remaining I freely give & bequeath unto my two 
daughters Margarett & Mary to be equally divided betwixt them 
whom I make & ordeyn my full & sole exec 8 to see yis my will 
I/formed and my leyayes pd & I doe hereby [by] yis my will & 
testament request & appoint my beloved fTreinds Jasper Clayton 
my brother-in-law, Capt. Thomas Harrison and Capt. Thomas 
Harrwod, overseers in trust for & in behalfe of my children. In 
witness whereof I have hereunto sett my hand & seale the 21 th 
day of Janu. 1646. William Pryor. 

Sealed & delivered in the presence of John Rose, Wm. 

P. bat r . in Cur. Comt. Ebora vicessimo quinto die mensis Jan- 
uarii. Sacrament: Johanes Rose et Wm. Hockaday. Ano 1646. 
Teste me, Ro. Bouth Cler. Cur. 

The agreement of Capt. W m Brocas Esq and Mary his wife 
conveys to Capt. Thomas Harrison, "maister of the shipp 
Hounor," "tvvoo negroe men servants" and also consigns to his 
keeping a quantity of tobacco to be delivered to William Allen, 
merchant in London — the said tobacco being rated 12 shillings 
per 100. Dated Jan. 30, 1646. 

By the Gov n or and Capt. Generall of Virginia. To all to 
whom these presents shall come, I S r W m Berkeley Knt Gov r nor 
& Capt. Generall of Virginia send Greeting in our Lord God 
everlasting, whereas W m Pryor gentlem, late of the County of 
Yorke dec. did by his last will & testament make and ordeyn Mar- 
garett and Mary Pryor his twoe daughters exec of his last will 
& testament & alsoe M r Jasper Clayton Capt Tho: Harrison & 
Capt. Thomas Harrwood overseers of y e same. And whereas at 
a Co rt holden at York the 25 th day of January last the s d Capt. 
Tho: Harrison & Captain Thomas Harrwod made humble suite 
to the Co rt that a p r bate myght be made unto yem of the s d last 
will & testament in y e behalfe of y e children Margarett & Mary 
Pryor, for wch cause full power & authority accordingly is given 

208 William and Mary Quarterly 

yem on y e s d estate in the behalfe of y* s d Margaret & Mary 
Pryor and for the dispensing of y e same according to y* true 
intent & meaning of y e s d testator; given under my hand & sealed 
with y* seal of y e Collony this foweth of feb. 1646. William 

Robert Ellison is allowed to satisfy his claim for 1030 pownds 
of tobacco out of Robert Jackson's estate. 

25 th of January 1646. Whereas it appearey to y e Co rt by the 
oath of M r Richard Anderson Clu that he gave unto Thomas 
Hardy twoe heifers and twoe Calves for his servis done for him. 
And that y 6 s d Anderson made over the s d Catle to Geo. Hardy 
as in trust for the use of the s d Thos : Hardy. And for as much 
as y* s d Thomas Hardy hay peticon to yis Co rt that the s 4 M r 
Richard Anderson myght by order deliver to him the s d Catle 
This co n doth therefore order that the s d M r Richard Anderson 
Clu shall forthwith deliver the s d catle to y* s d Thomas Hardy 
And that the bill made for the s d Catle by the s d M r Richard 
Anderson to Geo. Hardy be voyde and of noe force against him 
for the s d Catle. 

The Co rt doth order that Captc Nicho: Martian, M r John 
Chew and M r Row : Burnham or any twoe of yem take the oay 
of M re Wormeley wife to Capt. Ralph Wormeley on the Inven- 
tory of her late husband's estate dec. 

January 27, 1646. The under sheriff Phillip Thacker ordered 
to collect corne or the value thereof from whom it is due and to 
pay Nicholas Sebrill "for his servis done at the Midle plantacon 
the last yeare, wch was to be collected and pd to him by the then 

Whereas Edw Wright stands indebted unto Thomas deacon 
one Mayde servant wch should have been pd the 25 th day of De s 
cember last for paymt whereof the said Wryght made over in 

William and Mary Quarterly 209 

co rt one cowe & one yearling wiy his cropp of tob and corne And 
for as much as the s d Wryght hay not made payment of y* s d 
servant, The Court doth yerefore order that y e s d Deacon Shall 
have execucon against y* s d cow & yearling, Cropp of tob & 
corne, for satisfacon of y e s d Maide servant & charges of Court. 

I Henry Brooke, doe acknowledge to have rec. of M r W m 
Hockaday for the use of Barnaby Brooke, dec. the sume of four- 
teene powndes & five shillings six pence for wch sume I rec. 
twooe yousand & twoe hundred pounds of tob in the yeare 1643 
it pducing the sume afforesd in holland & noe more, witness my 
hand yis I4y of June 1644. P me Henry Brooke. 

Teste Tho: Heath. 

Know all men by these p r sents that I Nicholas Browne of the 
backe river in Verginia, gentlem, y* lawful attorney of Charles 
foxe Leather seller of London doe by • virtue of a letter of Attor- 
ney to me & oyers directed accquit & discharge W m Edwards, 
Thomas Wombell & W m Hockaday yere heyres executors or 
Adm trs frome one bill of fifty odd pounds due & payable to y* s d 
Charles foxe & doe hereby binde myselfe to deliver the bond or 
the true copy yereof Lawfully Attested y e next returne of ship- 
ping unto Verignia as wittness my hand yis 3d day of Jan : An° 
dm 1644. Wittness Robert Bradshaw, Nicholas Browne. 

Received of Mathew Hawkins three hogds of tob marked 
MH. by me Capt. Derrick Derrickson [of Graft in Holland] for 
the pceed and p r fitt of the s d tob & according to order rec. from 
the s d Mathew Hawkins I doe binde me my heires, exect sr Adnr™ 
& assignes to be accountable, necessary charges & the danger of 
y* seas excepted, In witness whereof I have hereunto sett my 
hande this 21 th o r March 1645. 

Derrick Derrickson Wilre (?) 

Witnes by Humphrey ffloyd 
Ralph Routh 
John x Merryman 
his mark. 

210 William and Mary Quarterly 

Att a court holden att the house of Capt. Rich. Townshend 
Esq. the 5y of feb 1646, p r sent S r W m Berkeley Krv 1 Gov r nor 
Esq, Capt. John West, M r Richard Kemp, Capt Richard Town- 
send, George Ludlow, Esqrs. In the difference depending be : 
twixt Capt Nicholas Martian and Mr. Rich Lee High Sherr of 
York County concerning the seizure of a man servant of y* s d 
Capt Martian's for County Levyes is referred to be tryed y 6 
44 th day of March Cor'- next before the Gov r nors counsell. 

"James Stone of London March 1 " acknowledges a debt to 
"Robert Vaus of Virginia March*." 

Robert Blackwell given a certificate for 250 acres of land for 
transporting 5 persons into the Colony. 

Certificate granted to John Holding for the transportation 
of 13 persons. 

John Chew's deed conveying to Robert Linsey & Henry 
Lowry, Churchwardens of the p'ish of Yorke "for the use bene- 
fitt & behoofe of y e s d pish for there Glebe 200 acres of land 
lying on the west side of W m Hawkins as is pte & p r cell of seaven 
hundred and fifty acres of land lying on the north side of Chis- 
man Creeks as p a Pattent once granted bearing date y e 18th 
day of February 1638 may more fully at laye appeare &c Jan- 
uary 16, 1642. 

This bill of sale was surrendered upp in Co rt by Peter Rugby 
& his heires & assigns forever by John Clarkson and Robert 
Todd, churchwardens, (successors to Linsey & Lowry) 24 th of 
September 1647. 

Mr. Bushroode Loveing frreind with my best respects remem- 
bered I pray you to lett me intreat you to p r secute a suite for me 
against Capt. Ralph Wormley for a debt due to Joseph Nett- 
maker from the estate of Luke Stubbins dec. I have sent you 
Mr. Nettmaker's letter of attorney by wch I give you power to 

William and Mary Quarterly 211 

r/sccute \' suite yorselfe Of to app o in t one under you. I have 
sent you also Mr. 5tu - Mr. Xettmaker his 

hand and Mr. John Stringer's i ep osiii o n to prove y" debt. I 
believe Cap! Wormele . rj j t suite .hen he 

sees Mr. Stringer's deposition. Not efts a: present I rest ycr* 
to be commanded Cornelius Loyd. 

A true ft pfect inventory of the :>f It" W" Kefla -. 

dec in y* hands of Capt. Ralph Wo: mistral 

yereof taken jh 5; ;; Angnst 1647 b] us 1 hose names a:: here- 
to snbscribed ~me r rr:s 

b ::' 
One old Cloath suit of Cloathes & one old cloake 

lined with phis all 0350 

Item 3 pre of new boates teing mach damnified 0090 

Item 3 pre of old boates at 20 b p. paire is 0060 

Item one eld suite ^ ante ;: Qoay oagp 

Item one pre :: shooes smak ft ^reare a: iz pre 032c 
Item 1 new Kersey suite for a s avant 1: oc6o 

Item twee suites :: Qoayes fee ::yes 0100 

Item fower sale sheirts for bojes 004c 

Item fowre pre of Sneeze skine gloves 0024 

Item twee title peece of course Ribhin 0003 

Item twoe old Holland sheirts at 20 b p shirt 0040 

Item twee quire ef pap. ccoc 

Item twoe new pre of course yarne stockins for 

boyes 0016 

Item twoe pre of old pa::>.ti stockins 000S 

Item one pre of Irish stcckLis 0008 

Item twoe knives 0006 

Item twee old Haifa 0020 

Item one pap of garden see:s 003: 

Item one old beauer brush 0003 

Item sixe little bookes 0100 

Item one old sea Coate 0040 

Item one old ( ?} OOfo 

212 William and Mary Quarterly 

Item one old trunke 0025 

Item one smale Trunke 0025 
Item a pcell of ole custs & bands & boote house 

linen 0080 

Item five Rundletts & ? conteyninge 23 gallons of 

strong waters at 20 b p gallon 0460 

Item one bill of debt due from M r Burnham 1500 

Sume is 3530 b tob 

Row: Burnham, Rich Lee 
Ralph Wormeley 

Juran r Coram me 
John Chew 
Money debts due to y* estate found as followeth 

Item Capt Thomas Pettus bill for 
Item Corronell fTrancis Trasford bill for 
Item M r3 Eliz Johnson her bill for 
Item Grace Stillington her bill for 
Item an acco* of Rich Kempe esq for whereof due 
upon the ballance 

Sume is 159 06 08 

More three servants sold by y e Administrat 1 " wiy 
there beding & cloathing 

b s d 
one to S r W m Berkeley for 08 00 00 

one mayd servant to Capt Upton 14 10 2Q 

One boy to Mr. Edwin Connaway for 150 b tob caske 
Exhibit in Cur Court Eboras p r . sacramentum 
Capt Ralph Wormeley vicessimo quarto die Sept An 1647 
Recordat 1 " p. Ro. Bouth Clu Cur. 

Appraisement of such goods as Jone Jackson presented to the 
view of us whose names are yeare under written belonging to 



















William and Mary Quarterly 213 

the estate of Robert Jackson late deceased being sworne before 
Capt Richard Barnhouse the 9 th of fTebreware 1646. 

Jurantur Cor me Richard Barnhouse, 579 b tob and 2505 b 

9 ber y* 25th, 1647. 

Edward Burwell intermarried with the relict of Henry Mag- 
gett. John Hansford appears in the suit of Bassett vs. Hansford. 

Thomas Gibson's* deed of gift date 15th day of November 
1641 to Elizabeth Bouth, daughter of Robert Bouth of Charles 
River in Virginia afToresd gentlem, granting fifty acres of land 
being the same tract granted to s d Gibson by John Utie by a bill 
of sale dated the 13th of November 1639. 

(To be Continued.) 

*"Of Queene's creeke in the county of Charles River in Virginia 

2i4 William and Mary Quarterly 


Abstracts 1789, 1790. 
/ (Most of the records of Dinwiddie County are destroyed.) 

Edward Pegram, Jun., assignee of Vines Collier, pit. agt. Stephen 
Pettypool & Anderson Pettypool defts., in Debt. 1789. 

Thomas Tabb, surviving exor. Martha Wallace, dec'd, pit., agt, 
William Stegar & Gressit Davis. 

Green Hill & Margery Hill, exor & ex'x of Richard Hill, dec'd. 

Hannah Goodwyn to Boswell Goodwyn. Deed of gift. 

Last will of John Gary proved by Tarpley Irving, presented in 
Court by Rebecca Gary. 

William Tucker & Elizabeth his wife, Mary & Rebecca Jones, 
Ann Jones, Martha & Sarah Jones, infants vs. Green Jones, 
heir at law of Thomas Jones, dec. & Susanna, widow & relict, 
& Thomas Clay, adm. of said Thomas Jones. 

Edith Westmoreland & John Tarpley, exors. of Thos. Westmore- 
land dec'd. vs. James Harwell. 

Jos. Jones signs the court orders. 

Seth Pettypool, Jun. ap'ted surveyor of the roads. 

Justices: Edward Pegram, Jr., Wood Tucker, Peterson Good- 
wyn, William Watts, John Videll ( ?), Jr., & George Pegram, 
gent, justices. 

Mac. Goodwyn, Lt. & Collier McDonald, Ensign, of a Co. of 
militia, 1789. 

William Archer & Stephen Goodwyn give bond as inspectors with' 
William Watkins and Braddock Goodwyn, as securities. 

Henry Spain, Major; Noel Waddill & Braddock Goodwyn Cap- 
tains ; Robert Williams & Joseph Goodwyn, Jr. Lieutenants ; 
of the Militia of this county, severally took the oath re- 
quired by the Militia Law & also took the oaths to the 
United States, agreeable to an Act of Congress. 

William and Mary Quarterly 215 

Joseph Watkins & Mary his wife, the said Mary being Daughter 
and devisee of James Boisseau, dec'd, Daniel Boisseau, John 
Boisseau, Lucy Boisseau, Benjamin Boisseau, Patrick Bois- 
seau, David Boisseau, Anne Boisseau, & Susannah Boisseau, 
children of James Boisseau, against William Watkins and 
Gray Briggs, ex 3 of said James Boisseau, 1789. 

Distribution of the estate of William Pegram dee'd — between his 
widow & children. Daniel eldest son, Elizabeth Pegram 
widow — Sally, Elizabeth, Frances, William, Baker Pegram, 
children. 1 

Baker Pegram Captain, William Scott Lieutenant, & Benjamin 
Andrews Ensign, of the Co. of Light Infantry in the Militia, 
severally took the oath required by the Militia Law & Act 
of Congress. 

John Daingerfield & Elizabeth his wife vs. Thomas Pettypool. 

St. George Tucker vs. Robert Armistead & Thomas Armistead. 
Suit abates as to Thomas Armistead who is returned no in- 
habitant of this county. 

Harwood Gocdwyn mentioned. 

Deed of Boswell Goodwyn to Stephen Goodwyn. 

Peterson Goodwyn, gent., produced a commission from his Ex- 
cellency the Governor appointing him Colonel of the second 
Battalion of Militia of this County, and was sworn accord- 
ingly, 19 March 1789. 

William Geddy produced commission as Lt. to Capt. Durrell's 
Company, Aug. 1789. 

Edward Young, orphan of Edward Young, made choice of 
Baker Pegram as guardian — Peter Manson security. 

Last will of Samuel Hinton, proved in Court by Joseph White- 
head, John Edmunds, and Mary Edmunds ; the exors. named 
in said will &c. refused to take upon themselves the exe- 
cution thereof — Joseph Whitehead, William Watts, John 
Pegram, William Sydnor & James Hinton the exors. Feb. 
Court 1789. 

216 William and Mary Quarterly 

Marriage contract between David Tucker & Frances Jackson 
proved by the oathes of Nathaniel Epes, Ralph Jackson & 
Daniel Tucker & recorded. 

Joseph Jones, gent., produced commission from his Exc'y the 
Governor, app'ting him County Lt. & was sworn accord- 

Katherine, widow of Samuel Hinton. 

Last will of Joseph Tucker dee'd, having been proved in Dec r 
court last — Wood Tucker & Isaac Tucker, the exors. named 
in said will, came into court &c. ' 

John Nicholas, clerk of the county, John Jones, gent, sheriff; 
Gray Briggs State Attorney; 4610 tithables. 1789. 

William Cardwell, Henry Cardwell, Jane Cardwell, & Elizabeth 
Cardwell, Infants of Thomas Cardwell, dee'd, by the said 
William, their next friend, complt. agt. Henry Thweatt & 
Obedience Cardwell, exors. of Thomas Cardwell, de'd, in 

Thomas Tabb, surviving obligee of Thomas Tabb & William 
Roscow Wilson Curie, dee'd vs. Hill & Archer. 

William Watkins, John Tabb & Peter Jones, surviving partners 
of W m Watkins & Co. pits. vs. Robert Tucker, exor of 
Daniel Tucker, dee'd, deft. In case. 

Robert Morris vs. Henry Broadnax, 1790. 
Matthew Murray Claiborne vs. Jno. Atkinson. 
Joseph Turner, Jr., guardian of Elizabeth Hines & Patty Hines, 
orphans of Charles Hines. 

Last will of Daniel Claiborne was presented into court by Mary 
Claiborne, the Exec, & proved by the oaths of Benjamin 
Boisseau, Peterson Goodwyn & Penelope Hudson & together 
with Mathew M. Claiborne &c. entered into bond of 5000 
pds. Sept. Court 1790. 

Thomas Tabb vs.Seth Foster & Ann his wife, ex x of John Gary, 
dee'd., November Ct t 1790. 

William and Mary Quarterly 217 

Baldwin Shepherd & Susanna, his wife, vs. Seth Foster and 
Ann, his wife, ex z John King, dec'd, Nov. 1, 1790. 

Joshua Spain & Martha his wife, Epes Spain & Ann his wife, 
John Sandifer & Susanna his wife, Joshua Epes & Lucy his 
wife & Samuel Sandifer, adm. of Samuel Sandifer, dec'd. 
vs. Rich Newman, exor. of Richard Newman, dec'd. 

Jury, Nov. 1790. Leonard Bott, Nicholas Lamb, William Lanier, 
Boswell Goodwyn, jr., Irby Hudson, William Scott, Thomas 
Clay, Peterson Epes, Joshua Epes, Isham Spain, Laban 
Epes & Absalom Johnson. 

A deed of gift from John H. Claiborne to Fanny Gregory proved 
by Richard Gregory witness. 

Clement Williams, ensign to Braddock Goodwyn's Company of 
Militia of this County, produced his commission & qualified 
according to law. 

Catharine Brookes charged with petit treason in poisoning her 
Husband Edward Brookes — Oct. Court 1789. 

Thomas Hardaway vs. Samuel Scott, for that Ludwell Jones in 
1755 was possessed in his right of 6 slaves ; he made his 
will and bequeathed them to his sister Sarah Jones, who 
afterwards married Thomas Hardaway. She died in 1761, 
leaving Thomas Hardaway, jun., her son and heir. Nov. 
1789. ., - ... 

William Eppes, late guardian of Isham Eppes Dabney, orphan of 
William Dabney — J any 1790. 

John Pettypool exempted from payment of notes. 

A deed of gift from Lewis Burwell, of the Co. of Mecklenburg, 
to Elizabeth the wife of Bellfield Stark, proved by the oaths 
of Ann Burwell, Elizabeth Walker & Ann Burwell. May, 

Pursuant to an order or request of the Council of State, the jus- 
tices took under their consideration the charge of pecula- 
tion exhibited against Peterson Goodwyn Gent, by Doctor 
James Greenw'ay, and having entered into a thorough in- 

218 William and Mary Quarterly 

vestigation thereof are unanimously of opinion that the 
sum of money mentioned in the narrative laid before the ex- 
ecutive by the said Greenway was not designedly retained 
by the said Goodwyn, and that he is innocent of the charge 
aforesaid. The executive having referred this matter to the 
consideration of a full court, and it having been decided by 
five Magistrates only, it is hereby certified that there were 
only five other acting Magistrates in the County & that two 
of these were absent and that the other three refused to sit 
in consequence of having acted as commissioners on pre- 
paring and bringing in reports thereof. March Quarterly 
Sessions 1790. 

Marriages in 1832, 1833. 

To the County Court of Dinwiddie — I do hereby testify and 
report to the court that the following marriages were solemn- 
ized by me agreeably to the dates hereunto annexed to wit — The 
rites of Matrimony were solemnized below: 

Isham A Trotter and Louisa Watts Novemb r 6 th 1832 

James Aldridge and Mary King ditto 22 " 

George Worsham and Martha Ann Wynn 27 " 

Tho s D. Prosser ( ?) & Rebecca M. Rowland Feb. 6 1833 
Nicholas Edmunds & Mary Ann Moody Mch 6 1833 

Richard Spain and Mary Ann Harmon " 6 " 

Shadrack Stott & Eliza Parkinson " 6 " 

David Wells & Mary Ann Conally " 27 " 

Wm H. Goodwyn & Hannah L. Williams May 1st 1833 
Gardner Hawkins & Sarah Roberts July 10 1833 
Stith Hardaway & Elizabeth Ann Young Nov 28 1833 
Given under my hand this 30 th day of August 1833. 

J. E. Hargrave (L. D.) 

M. E. Church. 

William and Mary Quarterly 219 


Dennett. — John and Mary Dennett were living in York 
County, Va., a few years before 1640; had children Thomas, 
Margaret, and Sarah. By the year 1645, John had died, and his 
widow had married William Barber. One of the daughters of 
John and Mary Dennett married a Juxon, having issue William 
and Mary, who married a Timson. 

Capt. Thomas Dennett, son of John and Mary, married Ann 
Booth, daughter of Robert Booth, of York. Issue : Ann, John, 
Sarah, and Eleanor. 

John Dennett, son of Thomas and Ann, married , 

and had Parthenia, Elizabeth, Thomas, and John. Elizabeth 
married William Stone, in 1710. 

Wanted. — Date of arrival in Virginia of the first John 
Dennett ; and the name of the wife of John Dennett, son of 
Thomas and Ann. 

McRae- Young. — Shortly before or after the year 1800, Dun- 
can McRae married, in either Virginia or North Carolina, Miss 
Rhoda Young. Information is wanted about the ancestry of this 
Miss Young. 

Thompson. — The first sheriff of Albemarle County was 
Joseph Thompson, who died in 1759. Information about his an- 
cestry is desired. 

Ballard. — Capt. John Ballard died in York County in 1745/ 
leaving several children. Whom did he marry? 

220 William and Mary Quarterly 


Painters in Virginia. — Dunlan in his ''History of Arts of 
Design in the United States," states that Mr. Robert Sully, who 
kindly assisted him in making researches into the antiquities of 
art in Virginia, reported that the only portrait painters that 
are remembered by the oldest inhabitants "were Durand, Manly 
and Woolaston — the first tolerable, the second execrable, and 
the third very good/' John Woolaston, an English painter, came 
to America about 1758 when he painted portraits in Philadelphia 
and in Maryland as early as 1759- 1760. He afterwards came to 
Virginia, w T hen he painted Washington's mother, and many por- 
traits in Petersburg, among them the portrait of the grandmother 
of John Randolph of Roanoke. He painted a portrait of White- 
field preaching, "which is now in the National Portrait Gallery 
and was engraved by John Faber." To a later period belongs 
Robert Edge Pine, a British painter, who was born in England 
in 1730, came to this country in 1784 and died in Philadelphia 
November 19, 1788. After painting portraits of Francis Hop- 
kinson and Robert Morris in Philadelphia he visited Mt. Vernon 
in 1785, where he painted a portrait of Washington, Mrs. Wash- 
ington, her three grandchildren — Elizabeth, Eleanor and George 
Washington Parke Custis, and her niece, Mary Bassett, who 
married the son of Washington's brother Charles. After a stay 
of three years he went to Annapolis and then again to Virginia, 
where he painted portraits of Gen. Horatio Gates and Gen. 
Henry Lee. Mr. William Lanier Washington, of New York, has 
a portrait of an old lady by Pine, which Charles Henry Hart, of 
Philadelphia, the great authority on the Washington portraits, has 
identified as Mary Ball Washington, the mother of Washington. 
It is the only authentic portrait of this lady. 

Leftwich. — In 1658, Ralph Leftwich patented land on the 
branches of the Pianketank river. "Said land being due for the 
transportation of six persons into this colony." This patent was 

William and Mary Quarterly 221 

renewed to said Ralph Leftwich, October, 1662. He was proba- 
bly ancestor of Augustine Leftwich, of Caroline Co., who moved 
to Bedford where his will dated June 10, 1795, shows that he 
left a widow Elizabeth (his second wife) and sons William, 
Thomas, Augustine, Uriah, John, Littleton, Jabez and Joel, and 
daughters Fanny Leftwich Carter, Mary Leftwich Early, Nancy 
Leftwich Pettross and Rebecca Moorman. Of these Thomas 
and Augustine Leftwich were captains in the American Revolu- 
tion. Ralph Leftwich', the emigrant from England, evidently 
belonged to the Leftwich family of Cheshire. The visitation of 
Cheshire gives the children of Ralph Leftwich and his wife, 
Eleanor Mainwaring as Robert, Thomas, and William. Thomas 
married in 1556, Catherine, daughter of Arthur Holford, and 
had a son of the name Ralph. 

Stith. — In Quarterly, XXL, 189, Dr. Johnston states that 
Col. Drury Stith had no children by his second marriage with 
Elizabeth Jones, widow of Thomas Eldridge, but Mrs. S. O. 
James, of Petersburg, calls attention to the fact that his will 
contains the following section: "I give to my wife Elizabeth 
Stith all the remainder of my slaves and personal estate of all 


kind whatsover I shall die possessed of during her life; after 

her decease to be equally divided among the children I have had 
by her" Mrs. Elizabeth Stith's will was dated January, 1771, 
and proved February 25, 1771. Witnessed by Sterling Edmunds. 
Thomas Edmunds, and Thomas Stone. It names children, who 
were all supposed by Dr. Johnston to be issue by Thomas El- 
dridge — Aristotle, Sarah, Howell, Katherine, Charlotte, Thomas 
and Edmunds. John Coleman, Thomas Simmons and Sterling 
Edmunds executors. The will of Col. Drury (Drewry) Stith, 
of the County of Brunswick, was dated June 25, 1770, and 
proved February 25, 1771, and was witnessed by Thomas Lundie, 
Henry Simmons, and Thomas Edmunds ; disclaimed all right 
to any part of the estate of his wife, Elizabeth Stith, and names 
his children Buckner, Thomas, Elizabeth, Edmund, Drury ; ap- 
points John Coleman, Sterling Edmunds and wife, Elizabeth, 

222 William and Mary Quarterly 


Copley-Pelham Letters. Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, 
Volume 71. 

The letters and documents printed in this volume are in the Public 
Record Office, London. Peter Pelham, son of Peter Pelham, of London, 
came to Boston about 1721, where he taught dancing, writing, reading, 
painting upon glass, and all kinds of needle work. By a wife, Martha, in 
England he had Peter, Charles and William. , In Boston he. married the 
widow of Richard Copley and had by her Henry Pelham, who was also an 
artist. John Singleton Copley, an eminent portrait painter, born in Boston, 
was his stepson. Peter Pelham, Jr., was born in London, December 17, 
1721, came to Boston with his father, and, in 1741, was tutor in Charles- 
ton, South Carolina, to the sister of Lady Deloraine. About 1752 he came 
to Williamsburg, assisted in installing the great new organ in Bruton 
Church, and was employed by . the General Assembly as organist at a 
salary of £25. a year. Subsequently he was also appointed at a salary of 
£40. keeper of the Public Jail in Williamsburg and given apartments in 
that building. He added to his revenue by giving music lessons, and at all 
the theatrical performances he furnished the musical accompaniments. 
He was a member of the Williamsburg Lodge of Masons, and was living 
in 1776, when he was still organist and jailer. His son, Charles Pelham, 
was a 'Major in the war of the Revolution and his son Peter was clerk of 
Brunswick County. The gallant Major John Pelham of the Confederate 
army was a descendant. The chief musician in Williamsburg previous to 
Pelham was Cuthbert Ogle, of whom more information is desirable, as he 
had a remarkable collections of musical literature. 

The Genealogy of the Fishback Family in America, 1714-1914. Compiled 
and .edited by Willis Miller Kemper. Published by Thomas Madi- 
son, Taylor, New York. 

The German people have furnished no inconsiderable element to the 
population of Virginia. In very early days some strong members of this 
nation found their way to Accomac. Dr. George Hack, of Cologne, and 
Thomas Harmanson, of Brandenburg, were founders of important fami- 
lies in that part of Virginia. The first regular German colony was estab- 
lished in Virginia in 1714. They were miners, forty-two in number, 
counting men, women and children, who came from Nassau-Siegen and 
its neighborhood, and were settled by Gov. Alexander Spotswood at a 
place called Germanna in Spotsylvania Co., where he engaged them in 

William and Mary Quarterly 223 

The pastor of the colony was John Henry Haeger, born at Antz- 
hausen Sept. 25, 1644 ; and among the leading settlers was John Fisch- 
bach, or Fishback as it came to be anglocised, who married Haeger's 
daughter Agnes. Mr. Kemper, the author of the work is a descendant 
of John Peter Kemper and his wife Elizabeth, daughter of John Fish- 
back; and John Peter Kemper was a son of John Kemper, of Miisen, 
another of the miners. 

Besides enumerating the descendants of John Fishback, among whom 
are many distinguished men, Mr. Kemper gives us a full account of the 
origin of the settlement at Germanna, and of the country whence the 
German colonists came. Altogether, it is a valuable book, containing 
many suggestive details and contributing something real to the history 
of Virginia. 

Commerce of Rhode Island, Vol. I., 1726-1774. Massachusetts Historical 
Collections, Vol. IX. 

Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings, 1913-1914, Vol. 47. 

Among the interesting papers in this publication are "Wolseley and the 
Confederate Army," "Washington and Parties, 1789-1797," "Argyll Let- 
ters," "Great Britain and our war of 1846-1848." 

Notes on Colonial Theatres. A pamphlet by Robert Adger Law, Univer- 
sity of Texas. 

This little brochure consists of two articles reprinted from the Nation 
and shows that, while Williamsburg had the first theatre, Charleston had 
the third, and that the first prologue spoken to an American audience, 
which is preserved, was not at Williamsburg in 1752, but at Charleston, 
January 24, I734S- 

Tazewell M. Carrington. An address by Judge George L. Christian, Rich- 
mond, Virginia, January 5, 1914. 

This is a beautiful tribute to the worth and services of one who was 
long President of the Chamber of Commerce. Judge Christian has no 
superior in this kind of work. 

The Laws of Bacon s Assembly, by Armistead C. Gordon. An address 
delivered before the Beta of Virginia Chapter of the Phi Beta Kappa 
Society at the University of Virginia, June 17, 1914. 

In this little treatise, we have an interesting presentation of the most 
popular legislation ever enacted in America during the Colonial times. 
The laws were soon repealed, but some of them were afterwards re- 

224 William and Mary Quarterly 

The School of Hellas. An address by Fairfax Harrison, President of the 
Southern Railway Company, Richmond, Virginia, November 27, 

. 1914. 

The literary instinct and the business instinct are not often found in 
the same person to the degree that they are found in Mr. Harrison. This 
address is an eloquent plea for the study of the classics. He finds its decay 
in modern colleges as due to the aridness of the teaching, which is purely 
disciplinary. "The School of Hellas" demands the vitalizing of the study 
through an appeal addressed to the spirit and to the imagination. 

Confederate Memories and Experiences. By George L. Christian. 1, Ad- 
dress at Annual Commencement of the Training School for Nurses, 
connected with St. Luke's Hospital, Richmond, Virginia. 2, Remini- 
scences and a Contrast, giving some experiences of the writer as a 
student of the University of Virginia during the war. 3, Recollec- 
tions of the Evacuation of Richmond, April, 1865. 
This pamphlet though intended "for private circulation only" contains 
so many interesting facts that it ought to have a wide circulation. While 
the modesty of Judge Christian is appreciated, much of the real value of 
the articles consists in its personal character. Much light is afforded of a 
historical character, to which the experiences of Judge Christian as a 
maimed Confederate veteran lends a brilliant coloring. 

The Maternal Ancestors and Kindred of Margaret Jane Crocker. Pub- 

, lished in the Virginia Historical Society Quarterly, Portsmouth, 

Virginia. By Judge James Francis Crocker. 

This is an excellent piece of genealogical work proceeding from the 

trained pen of one of the most honored men in Virginia, who served his 

country gallantly in war and peace. 

The Influences of Reconstruction on Education in the South. By Edgar 
Wallace Knight, Assistant Professor of Education in Trinity Col- 
lege, North Carolina. 
This is an excellent monograph and shows great labor and care of 
preparation. Dr. Knight combats the idea which seems to be prevalent, 
especially in the North, that there was no public educational system in 
the South previous to reconstruction. As a matter of fact, in all the 
Southern States the present plans of public education were in operation, 
and needed only development. The general structure was there, but the 
details of superintendence were more or less lacking. This development 
would have doubtless come without the aid of reconstruction. 

The Maryland Calendar of Wills, Vol. IV., 1914; Wills from 1713-1720. 
Compiled by Jane Baldwin and Roberta Belling Henry. 

This is a volume of great interest, containing, as it does, the wills of 
some of the most important men and women of the Province of Maryland. 

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"Uncle Aaron Hilton," colored, is one of the landmarks of 
Charles City County, Virginia. He followed his young master, 
Robert Selden, through the Civil War, and is naturally proud of 
it. He is an authority in his county on the care of sheep and the 
neighboring farmers send to him on all occasions for advice. 
There is an air about him which suggests his early associations 
with gentlemen of culture. 

Uncle Aaron tells a story of Ex-President John Tyler, who 
was one of his master's neighbors. Like other plantation owners 
he was intensely proud of his negroes, and claimed that he had 
the' "likeliest" lot in Charles City County. u Peter Black, my 
coachman," the ex-president would say, "is the handsomest, 
straightest and smartest man in Charles City." But L T ncle 
Aaron's story is not of Peter Black, but of another of the young 
negroes on President Tyler's plantation, "Sherwood Forest," 
named Roscius Short. The ex-president had a great opinion 
of his .physical powers and admired him intensely. This was 
somewhere back in the fifties, when Mr. Tyler had as overseer 
a man named Hogan. This overseer had a prejudice against 
Roscius, especially because Roscius would not pay as much de- 
ference to his orders as others. One time, being in the barn 
alone with Roscius, Hogan locked the door, put the key in his 
pocket and told Roscius that he was going to whip him. "What 
do you want to whip me for, Mr. Llogan?" "Because I want to 
show you that I am the better man of the two," said Hogan 
Roscius replied, "Mr. Hogan, I don't let any man touch me 
without my old master say so." 

226 William and Mary Quarterly 

Hogan made a dart for Roscius, but the latter caught him by 
the wrists and held him off. Then Hogan, unable to loose him- 
self cried, "Murder!" and soon the barn was surrounded by 
excited negroes. They could hear a scuffling going on and they 
tried to get in, but the door was locked, and it was impossible 
to do so. Roscius' father, "Uncle" William Short, the head 
butler, who stood very high in the opinion of the colored people, 
undertook to quell the disturbance inside by calling at Roscius 
and commanding him to come out. But the barn still remained 
locked and the scuffling and yells of Mr. Hogan continued. At 
last the President himself appeared on the scene, and the follow- 
ing colloquy ensued : "Roscius, you young rascal, what are 
you doing in there?" "Master, I am just trying to keep Mr. 
Hogan from beating me." "Murder!" yelled Hogan. "Roscius. 
open the door at once, sir, and come out of that barn." "Master. 
how can I open the barn when Mr. Hogan's got the barn door 
key in his pocket?" "Well, then, take your hands off of him, and 
let him open the door." The door was finally opened and Hogan 
appeared unharmed, but very much crestfallen. 

President Tyler could hardly retain his gravity before the 
negroes, and dismissed the crowd by saying that he would inves- 
tigate the matter later. Dr. William Selden, Uncle Aaron's mas- 
ter, looked in at "Sherwood Forest" at this time, and President 
Tyler told him the absurd incident over an old Virginia mint 
julep, laughing loudly, "Ha ! ha ! Selden, did you ever know of 
such a fool as my overseer Hogan? Lock himself up in a barn 
with my man Roscius. Why, sir, he might just as well have 
locked himself in a cage with a roaring, raging lion; ha! ha! 
did you ever hear the like?" 

Later on President Tyler considered the matter, and it was 
not long after before he got rid of the overseer. 

William and Mary Quarterly 227 


One of the most extraordinary perversions of facts occurring 
with New England historians is their apparently studious at- 
tempt to represent the New England colonies as democracies in 
contrast to Virginia, which they represent as an aristocracy. 
The fact is that, while the institutions of Xew England were 
more democratic in form, they were far more aristocratic in the 
substance of the administration. The limited suffrage and the 
peculiar forms of ihe elections in the towns made permanent 
the terms of the officeholders in spite of annual elections, and the 
aristocracy, though not so spectacular as that of Virginia, had 
much greater authority in the management of colonial affairs. 

On the other hand, the institution of negro slavery made 
race and not class the great distinction in Virginia society. And 
hence, when, after the Revolution, each American community had 
for the first time the direction, without foreign restraint, of its 
own affairs, Virginia became the headquarters of the Democratic- 
Republican party of popular ideas and New England that of the 
Federalist Party, the party of aristocratic ideas and class dis- 

Jefferson stated these differences between Virginia and Mas- 
sachusetts very clearly in a letter which he wrote to John Adams 
July 5, 1814: 

It is probable that our difference of opinion may, in some meas- 
ure, be produced by a difference of character in those among whom we 
live. From what I have seen of Massachusetts and Connecticut my- 
self, and still more from what I have heard, and the character given 
of the former by yourself who know them so much better, there 
seems to be in those two States a traditionary reverence for certain fami- 
lies, which has rendered the offices of the government nearly hereditary 
in those families. I presume that from an early period of your 
history, members of those families happening to possess virtue and 
talents, have honestly exercised them for the good of the people, 
and by their services have endeared their names to them. In coupling 
Connecticut with you, I mean it politically only, not morally. For 
having made the Bible the common law of their land, they seemed to 

228 William and Mary Quarterly 

have modeled their morality on the story of Jacob and Laban. But 
although this hereditary succession to office with you may in some- 
degree, be founded in real family merit, yet in a much higher degree, 
it has proceeded from your strict alliance of Church and State. These 
families are canonized in the eyes of the people on common principles, 
"yo u tickle me, and I will tickle you." 

In Virginia wc have nothing of tliis. Our clergy, before the Revolu- 
tion, having been secured against rivalship by fixed salaries, did not 
give themselves the trouble of acquiring influence over the people. 
Of wealth, there were great accumulations in particular families, 
handed down from generation to generation, under the English law 
of entails. But the only object of ambition for the wealthy was a 
seat in the King's Council. All their court then was paid to the 
crown and its creatures; and they Philipized in all collisions between 
the King and the people. Hence they were unpopular; and that 
unpopularity continues attached to their names. A Randolph, a Car- 
ter, or a Burwell must have great personal superiority over a common 
competitor to be elected by the people even at this day. At the first 
session of our legislature after the Declaration of Independence, we 
passed a law abolishing entails. And this was followed by one abol- 
ishing the privilege of primogeniture, and dividing the lands of intes- 
tates equally among all their children, or other representatives. These 
laws, drawn by myself, laid the ax to the foot of pseudo-aristocracy. 


(Communicated by Kate Mason Rowland.) 

To John Thomson Mason, Lexington, Kentucky. 

"Camp on Craney Island, 30th May, 1813. 

My dear 'Brother, 

I have been six weeks encamped in this neighborhood. This 
island, on which I have under my command a force of five hun- 
dred effective men, is the advanced post of the army. It is about 
five miles below Norfolk on the road to Linhaven Bay, where the 
enemy now lies. Our whole army in this vicinity is three thou- 
sand strong. General Hampton who commanded here has just 
left us for the Canada line ; and the chief command devolves on 
General R. B. Taylor. The enemy were reinforced last night, 
the night before General Hampton departed, and he heard 

William and Mary Quarterly 229 

nothing of it. We are now for the first time since my arrival 
here in the hourly expectation of an attack. It will commence 
on this island, and we must conquer, die or be slaves, for we are 
completely surrounded by water and without the means of a re- 
treat. We have several times been beat to arms in the night, 
and from my observation of the men while in the momentary 
expectation of being led to battle, I am convinced that they are 
brave. We are raw and undisciplined; we may be overpowered 
and cut to pieces, but I trust and feel confident that we shall not 
be disgraced. Whatever may be the fate of this post no appre- 
hensions need be entertained for Norfolk; it is safe. My regi- 
ment will be relieved and withdrawn from this station in the 
course of a week, and if anything of interest occurs in the mean- 
time I will inform you of it. I regret extremely to hear of the 
misfortune which still attends the brave Kentuckians. They 
deserve a better fate. I hope our successes at York and on 
Ontario will alarm the Indians and relieve our western frontier 
from the ruin which threatens it." * * * 

The allusions here to the "brave Kentuckians" and the suc- 
cesses at York and on Ontario relate to military operations of the 
early part of 1813. The war had been signalized so far by 
American naval victory, counterbalanced by very general dis- 
asters on land. Little York, or Toronto, was captured by the 
Americans in April, however, and the stores collected on Lake 
Ontario in May. It was at the siege of Fort Meigs on the Miami 
by the British, the last of April, that the Kentucky militia 
suffered so severely, falling into an ambuscade of Indians, a 
snare into which they were led by their impetuous valor. The 
siege was abandoned at the end of thirteen days. In the follow- 
ing letter an account is given of the repulse of the British at 
Craney Island the twenty-second of June: 

"Camp near Fort Norfolk, 29th June, 1813. 
Dear Jack, 

Great and unexpected changes have taken place since I wrote 
you last, The enemy have augumented their force to the num- 

230 William axd Mary Quarterly 

ber of eight seventy-fours, twenty frigates, tenders, lau nc h e s and 
barges in proportion, and five or six thousand troops excK 
of seamen. An action has been fought between our gunboats 
and two of their fri yates, in which we made the frigates retreat 
damaeed one of rhem very much, and tolled a captain and sev- 
z-'-J. ::" :::•: r ei .it .5: . -_- :ie 111 hit: a n's: =-;: 
from one of the gunboats, and a cannon ball through the 
hull of another. We claim the victory, which I believe is not 

7 r. •:;• : -:t ir. ::.:;::: :' . ~::i:i- :r 

i:i:i: :r -;:•;::- : : : : :r. . --.- 

pulsed them with gr -v ease, killed eight or ten of their men, 
took one barge, sunk and destroyed two and took about twenty 
prisoners. They fired several of their celebrated cong: 
r :■:"-: t:= :h:i: :he *.e=s: eirer. iri :: - - en:s ::' - ■--- 

'it reis-: :: e:::::e :he :;;~- er. : :: :n_ ■.- : : 

:.: s:i;er 2:: 1:5 :: :he~ ere :: : :e: :: ; re 5: :V 

e ;:: :-: le i vei :i: ' "t e::ier:en:e: \ sii re- : - ■ . : ::r: 
:i T - ::V- 'is: H^rr ::i hs. ; : : :: in: : : 7 .- in _ = : : . -r . 
C-r !:= = ::: :he :i::"e :h :eim:n:e . :ie t ; : . :• : ir. : 

huiiqul ei inconsid arable: only two killed and six :: c : 

: j r. it "1 -. . • : " t ; : : : i . - . _ ;- j _ t :t \ : . : : . r : - z ire 
:-r :>: 1:: :ii_::i:e " 7; - ■-.-:-.: ::~_-:niei i ::n:in; 
:: irnierv iisiiirviishe : f tt. ::e :hir m; : .- : 

the battle. He behaved like a hero. Major Gawin Corfain was 
severely : . lie: ii : t '.tz ~-tA hi : : is lef: ::~ f::i:i. 

The ::r.ii:: : : :ht :".:.;; :•: : _ is :. - n":i:::ir::i :■: rimi- 
::i his :eei :nt. 21: ir.:i:r.:v.= :e; :i: t:::-- ; -.:i Tie; 1 : 
li:eni;y ; ierei :he ::v.i ::' z"t:y :::: :: — : ._. - ztzz- 
crty; tfcej hit insulted and abused the citizens in the grossest 
ni ~:s: buiii" nine: in ~z z:l : .■_:: res :.i; icmnnne: 

:-re = : i;::-:i eis .:- =re en:er:iiie: f:r the fi:e :f \>:f:ik 
but for my par: I ste t for them. The inhabitants 

'r.i-.-t :t.-."z L :~ :ie:r :i~:hts ::.: ::m:i-t Aii :?-s: 1 :it 

ts hive left :ie :: - 1 The tie- :er:i.i : t : -5" 

:-: ■■--:.'. :": -:t : : ; - -;-_-.-:. ; : : ire n:: ~i: r.fer-.rr 

William and Mary Quarterly 231 

to them in numbers and we are well fortified on all sides. If they 
conquer us I think they will pay for their victory. We are every 
day expecting a general engagement. One week I think will 
determine the fate of Norfolk." 

February 11, 18 15: "The deplorable state of our public affairs, 
and the danger which threatens the nation are sufficiently appar- 
ent to every man not dead to the interest and honor of his 
country. They require no comment here. Congress have basely 
shrunk from the performance of their duty, and left the country 
at the mercy of the enemy ; but fortunately for us on the Sea- 
board the State Legislatures have acted with more firmness and 
taken upon themselves its defence. It is unmanly to despond 
and impolitic to anticipate evil that may never come, but we 
have every prospect of a bloody campaign next summer; and 
we shall have to fight with raw and inexperienced against dis- 
ciplined and veteran troops. The contest is unequal, but relying 
with confidence on the valor of our soldiers and the justice of our 
cause, we leave to Heaven without fear the issue." 

Letter to William S. Archer, Amelia Co., Virginia. 

[Wm. S. Archer in the General Assembly 1812-1819, Member 
of Congress 1820-1835. In 1841 became member of L T . S. 

"Rasberry Plain, December 28, 1915. 

* * * *: * * 

The favorable expressions which you were pleased to use in 
regard to my military merits would from any man I respect have 
been very flattering to me, but the particular source from which 
they proceeded rendered them infinitely more gratifying, as they 
afforded another strong evidence of .the partiality of my friend. 
Had the war continued, it would have been inexpressibly mortify- 
ing to me to have been entirely excluded from command. But 
this I flatter myself would not have been the case. I should, I 
believe, have obtained the command of a Regiment, and that 
would have satisfied me, notwithstanding its great inferiority to 
the station with which the Legislature had been so kind as to 
honor me. and which being far above my merits or expectations 

232 William and Mary Quarterly 

was calculated to flatter my vanity, and might have spoiled me 
but for the knowledge of my own deficiencies and the great 
humility with which I regard them. To have been deprived of 
yoitr association and society, for the promise of which I feel 
myself much indebted to you, would have been one of the princi- 
pal causes of regret at my exclusion from the command of a Di- 
vision ; for I do assure you, my dear Archer, that I dreaded the 
responsibility of that station, and my chief consolation was de- 
rived from the aid which 1 knew I should obtain from the 
friends by whom I should have been immediately surrounded. 
The exclusion from that command relieved me from the dreaded 
responsibility, but it would also have deprived me of the assist- 
ance and society of friends whom I sincerely love. I rejoice, 
however, in the event which renders it unnecessary for us to 
take the field in any capacity, and altho that event separates me 
almost entirely from friends most dear to me whom I should 
otherwise have seen frequently, it gives peace and happiness to 
millions ; and it came at the moment most propitious to the mili- 
tary character and renown of your country, and the most likely, 
of course, to secure to her a long and prosperous and honorable 

['In December, 1870, there died in Leesburg, Virginia, George 
Heard, a volunteer soldier in Col. Charles Fenton Mercer's regi- 
ment, who later "entered the regular service and participated in 
the military campaign around the city of Baltimore under Col. 
A. T. Mason." — Baltimore Sun, December, 1870.] 

Letters to John Thomson Mason. 

15th of July, 1816: Rasberry Plain. 

"I expected the Compensation Bill would create great excite- 
ment and dissatisfaction throughout the Union, but I did not 
anticipate the effects produced in Kentucky. I am extremely 
sorry for the opposition to Colonel Johnson and for the manner 
in which Sharpe has been treated. The first I regard as one of 
the most honorable, patriotic and useful men in Congress, and 
the other as one of the most promising. I hope they will both be 

William and Mary Quarterly 233 

reelected. I hope also that M r Clay will not lose his election, 
although I cannot say that I regret the opposition to him. His 
disgusting vanity and inordinate ambition were fast destroying 
his influence and his usefulness as a public man. The mortifica- 
tion he now experiences will be wholesome to him, it will bring 
him to his senses and render him less lordly than he was. I 
admire his talents and the zeal he has always manifested in the 
Republican cause entitles him to the acknowledgements of every 
Republican. I have no sympathy for Desha, but I am really 
sorry for the old judge. His case I suppose is hopeless in spite 
of the 'blarney' he has published in the newspapers. 

5JC *$. 5|S 5fc 5yt 5yC 

Our elections not coming on till the spring, the subject has 
not been much agitated here, but I think it probable that every 
member from the State who voted for the bill will be turned out, 
and that the bill will be repealed as it ought to be." 

The following letters of Armistead T. Mason refer to the 
trials and uncertainties of the seeker after Federal office in the 
year of grace, 181 7. And a strong light is thrown upon the cor- 
relative perplexities of the appointing powers, and the policy 
which sways them : 

"Washington, 14th January, 1S1J. 
Dear Jack 

I have hitherto forborne to write to you, partly because I 
thought it was as well to have little communication directly with 
you pending the contest that is going on between you and M r 
Trimble, lest that might be suspected to be the subject of it. and 
because I wished when I did write to give you some certain in- 
formation in regard to the issue of that contest. But it is still 
pending and as much in doubt as ever. Your friends Johnson and 
Fletcher have exerted themselves in a most extraordinary man- 
ner, and have gone all lengths in your support. They have done 
everything that the most devoted and enthusiastic friendship 
could suggest, and whether they succeed or not, you are under 
great obligations to them for the determined zeal and boldness 

234 William and Mary Quarterly 

with which they have advocated your claims, denied the allega- 
tions against you, and denounced your enemies. Your enemies 
on the other hand, although not so avowed and bold, have been 
not less industrious. They have, as 1 am well convinced, prac- 
tised a low and disgraceful intrigue with the legislature of 
Kentucky, which will, if anything does, defeat your pretensions. 
They have attempted to deceive the Administration with regard 
to the effect thai your appointment would have upon the public 
feeling in Kentucky, and they are now endeavoring to bully 
your friends into a withdrawal of you. Everything has been 
said and done to put the Administration on their guard against 
the artifice which has been practised with your legislature to 
deceive and impose upon them. But 1 fear the effect of the 
recommendation signed by the legislature in favor of Trimble. 
The manner in which that recommendation was obtained has been 
fully explained to the Administration, but still 1 fear its effect. 
Your friends, however, have determined, let the consequence be 
what it may, not to withdraw you ; and let the appoincment be 
conferred as it may, still the contest will have been most honor- 
able to you. For you are supported in it by a great majority of 
the best and most respectable men in Kentucky, and by nine- 
tenths of the real Republicans. And the opposition to you is con- 
stituted (with a few exceptions) of the disaffected, the Federal- 
ists, the Tories, and of men who have no political character or 
principles whatever. And of this fact I think I can assure you, 
that the feelings of the President and Secretary of State are 
decidedly with you — of the feelings of the latter gentlemen I 
have no doubt. These facts will afford you cause of triumph 
and exaltation even if you should lose the appointment. * * * 

I showed your letter on the subject of the next cabinet to 
Colonel Monroe, who showed it to the President. They read it 
with great satisfaction, and they acknowledge that the views you 
take of certain characters is a very strong one, and it is feared 
there is too much justice in it. The coalition which you appre- 
hend will not be permitted to take place ; and the cabinet will be 
substantially a good one, and such, as I believe, will be generally 
satisfactory to the Republicans." 

William and Mary Quarterly 235 

"Washington, 29th January, 181 7. 
Dear Jack 

The contest between your friends and Trimble's is at length 
decided against you. Trimble was yesterday nominated to the 
Senate as District Judge of Kentucky, and his nomination will 
of course be confirmed. 1 repeat my conviction that both the 
President and Col. Monroe wished to give you that appointment, 
but that the artifices and intrigues of Trimble's friends succeeded 
in producing the impression on their minds that the appointment 
of you in preference to Trimble who had been so long with them 
would be badly received by the people of Kentucky. 

About ten days ago I discovered, indeed I was expressly 
told, by a confidential friend of the President (M r John Graham 
of the State Department) that the Administration felt great 
embarrassment in deciding between you and Trimble, that indeed 
he never had seen them so much, or more embarrassed on any 
similar occasion. And it was distinctly intimated to me that it 
would be a great relief to the Executive if your friends would 
withdraw you. I could not understand this otherwise than as an. 
annunciation of the feelings, if not of the intentions, of the 
President coming- at least immediatelv from himself. I instantly 
addressed the enclosed letter to the President. The object of the 
letter was to bring the matter at once to a close and relieve us 
from the state of suspense in which we were. I endeavored so 
to frame the letter as not to induce the President to decide 
against you, unless he had predetermined to do so, but at the 
same time so to pen it as to furnish him with a pretext, upon the 
authority of that letter, to decide against you at once, provided he 
had "predetermined to do so. I have no doubt that his ultimate 
decision would have been what it now is if the enclosed letter had 
not been written ; it perhaps might have been postponed a few 
days, but it would not have been different. I anticipated too and 
still anticipate that the view taken in the enclosed letter (which 
was shown to Col. Monroe before it was sent to the President) 
will have a beneficial effect in any subsequent controversy that 
may arise between the real Republicans and friends of the Ad- 
ministration and such hypocrites and time-servers as combined 

236 William and Mary Quarterly 

against you. With regard to the particular controversy in ques- 
tion, I have no doubt that it has been greatly beneficial to you, 
and although you are defeated, you have still ample cause to 
exult and congratulate yourself. It has raised you greatly in 
public estimation and placed you on very high ground with the 
Administration. I think I can safely say that the Administration 
would gladly embrace any opportunity to manifest the high re- 
spect in which I know they hold you. And a little patience on 
your part will no doubt bring all right. 

Your friends Johnson and Fletcher held out with unabated 
zeal in your support to the last. * * As to the part which 
M r Clay has taken, I scarcely know what to say. There is a 
mystery about the actions of great men which is inscrutable to 
the eye of a common observer. ****** 

Your most affectionate brother, 

Armistead T. Mason." 

"Washington, 20th January, 1817. 

It is with great reluctance that I trespass on your time. I 
would not on any consideration expose myself to the imputation 
of intrusion, but on the other hand I should be sorry to neglect 
the discharge of a duty from motives of false delicacy. I am 
encouraged also to address you on this occasion by the example 
of others, who whatever may be my claims, have not stronger 
than mine, to your attention. 

I regret to learn that the recommendation of my brother as 
District Judge of Kentucky has given you any trouble. I am 
sorry he was ever recommended for that office, and I am sure, 
was he here, he would immediately remove all difficulty on the 
subject by renouncing all pretensions to it. I speak thus confi- 
dently of the course which he would pursue because I know him 
well, and I know he would disdain to palm himself by any means, 
upon the Administration contrary to their wishes ; and still less 
if their feelings are friendly towards him, would he consent to 
interfere, from any personal consideration, with their views of 

William and Mary Quarterly 237 

policy. I would not, nor would he, accept any office, not even if 
existence depended on it, which was not given freely '.-.out 

reluctance by those who had it to give. I rt ".ere fore that 

the office in question may at once be given to M r Trimble, for if 
my brother was here he would not accept it unless it was given 
free'y and without apprehension. He would have the 
traticn to make no sacrifice, to run no risk, to incur no on 
on his account. But sir, notwithstanding that I request you to 
decide against him, I cannot undertake to with- preten- 

sions. His friends have gone too far to retreat, ti. 
their ground as well as they can, if they are defeated they 
submit to their fate in si'er.ce: but they prefer defeat, after an 
honorable contest, to an ignominious retreat from the fear of I ' 
issue of the contest. If I thought that the appointment of nrj 
brother would do injury to the Republican cause or to the Admin- 
istration in Kentucky or elsewhere, I would myself undertake to 
withdraw his name. I was of that opinion at the co:: nenci nent 
of the session of Congress, and I had ie:o"ir: . : not :; saj 
another word on the subject. Under that impression I the igbt it 
right that Trimble should have the apf jintment; I wished him to 
have it, and I thought the question was decided in his favor. 
But in conversing with the delegation from Kentucky in Con- 
gress, after my arrival here. I found that impression 6c be erron- 
eous; I found that the appointment of my brother wot I be terj 
acceptable to the great body of the Republicans throughout I "- 
State and most particularly so to those in that section of it in 
which he and Trimble both reside. Every subsequent fair dis dosare 
of the public sentiment, as far as I can learn, has been m favor of 
my brother. As to the recommendation sicne : by the members 
of the Kentucky legislature, it was surreptitiously obtained, and 
ought not to have any weight: for very many if not a majority' 
of the members who signed that paper did it under the impressMn 
that my brother was not a candidate for the office ; they are in- 
i.rr'erent upon the subject, and would I am well assure . be per- 
fectly satisfied with his appointment 

It became manifest also, from various sources, that the DOM- 
test, which commenced between him and Trimble, had resolved 

23<S William and Mary Quarterly 

itself completely into a contest between the genuine Republicans 
and real friends of the Administration on the one side, and the 
Federalists and with a few exceptions the disaffected and luke- 
warm Republicans on the other. These facts could not fail to 
give greater excitement to the feelings which would naturally 
dispose me to wish success to my brother; and to engage me 
again, and with greater activity and zeal on his side in the con- 
test. But I have done with it. It is true I did think and I still 
think that those who have been uniformly correct in their political 
principles and conduct; who were the friends of the Republican 
cause and the Administration in the worst of times ; who were 
their best friends when they most wanted friends ; whose devo- 
tion and zeal increased with their difficulties and distress, and 
who, willing to share their fate, faithfully and fearlessly fought 
the good fight, disdaining even for a moment, to despair or to 
doubt, should not now, when victory has crowned their efforts, 
be abandoned by the men for whom thev would have sacrificed 
their lives, and be made to give place to those who stood aloof 
from the contest ready to join the victorious party, or for those 
more meritorious and more honorable, I admit, who boldly ar- 
rayed themselves in the hostile ranks. But mine may be a 
limited view of this subject; it may be incorrect, and therefore, 
although I feel that it is just, and shall adhere to it through life, 
I would not urge its adoption by others. There is another view 
of this subject, which, perhaps ought to influence the Administra- 
tion. If my brother is appointed, it will excite considerable 
clamor among those who recommend M r Trimble, because they 
are secretly hostile to the Administration, and would eagerly 
embrace any pretext to clamor against it. But if M r Trimble is 
appointed it will excite no clamor, for, however the friends of 
my brother may lament the triumphs of their enemies and their 
own disappointment, they will lament it in silence ; they are the 
friends of the Administration and they will excite no clamor 
against it ; they will say nothing on that account that can tend to 
its injury. It is perhaps then safer to appoint M r Trimble; a 
frequent recurrence of examples of this sort might, it is true, do 
mischief, serious mischief, but this I know will not; for those 

William and Mary Quarterly 239 

who are particularly affected by it are too firmly attached to the 
members of the Administration to be easily shaken. And I con- 
clude by again recommending it to you in good earnest and in 
friendship to appoint M r Trimble, and to appoint him speedily, 
that the excitement which now exists on this subject, and which 
is increasing every day, may at once give place to harmonious 
intercourse between those who from their public stations are 
obliged to associate with each other. I have conceived it to be 
my duty to present this view of the subject, and at the same time 
to offer this recommendation, although not entirely consistent 
with it, in order to relieve the Administration from all embarrass- 
ment, if they feel any, and to restore the harmony which has been 
disturbed by this contest, and which will be the more disturbed 
the longer the contest is protracted. 

I am, sir, very sincerely and respectfully, 

Your friend and obedient servant 

Armistead T. Mason." 

His Excellency 

James Madison, President United States. 

The new President, James Monroe, was to be inaugurated in 
March, 1817, and in February the new cabinet was decided upon. 
It was still a state secret when Armistead Mason wrote to his 
brother on the iSth of February: "J promised in my last not to 
say anything more on the subject of the appointment of Secre- 
tary of War, until that appointment was actually made. I believe 
I must violate that promise. I can now say with certainty that 
Governor Shelby will be appointed Secretary of War. It is 
very desirable that he should accept, and I hope his friends and 
the friends of the Administration will urge him to accept, if only 
for a short time. I give you the cabinet in confidence : J. Q. 
Adams, Secretary of State; M r Crawford or M r Lowndes. Sec- 
retary of Treasury ; Governor Shelby, Secretary of War ; M r 
Crowningshield or Judge Vanness of New York, Secretary of 
Navy. Tis said M r Rush or M r Clay will go to England." 

240 William and Mary Quarterly 


(See Quarterly,, XIV., 193-21 1, 215; XX., 69-101 ; XXI., 224- 
233; XXII., 258-263; XXIIL, 153-172.) 

The Great Storm of 1857. 

Jan. 18, 1857. 

Sunday. Snow with strong wind & bitter cold. Violent & 
continued north wind, forming the snow in deep drifts. We 
could scarcely keep comfortably warm sitting by the fire. Temp. 
7 at 9 A. M. and 3 at 4 P. M. 
Jan. 19 th . 

The furious north wind but little abated. Snowing ceased 
in the night. The ways impassable, by snow drifts, & other 
places barely covered. The thermometer blown down & broken, 
so cannot know the temperature this morning. 1 passed a 
wretched night, with cold feet. Yet I went to bed comfortable, 
with a good fire burning until it burnt out — & with as much 
covering as could do any good — 6 blankets, & 2 more over my 
feet, which were pulled up when needed, & also a doubled cloak 
over all, on my knees & feet. Woolen night socks, & over them 
a woolen wrapper, both well warmed, covered my feet, & yet be- 
fore the fire had quite burnt out, I was awakened by cold feet, 
they continued to grow colder until I had fire & arose in the 
morning. No amount of covering & nothing but external heat 
can keep me warm in the coldest nights. The snow lies so ir- 
regularly owing to the violent wind, that I cannot even guess the 
depth. Perhaps it may not average 10 inches. But while many 
places are scarcely covered, in others the drifts are from 3 to 7 
feet deep. It is not only extremely laborious to walk, or even to 
ride in any direction, or pathway, but even dangerous, because 
of the snow drifts to be crossed. No work attempted today, by 
Edmund's order, except to feed the live-stock, & to put wood on 
the fires. Luckilv a good stack of wood was on hand, & cut up. 

William and Mary Quarterly 241 

before the snow began. We hear that in the overseer's house, & 
all the negroes' houses, (the latter good framed and new build- 
ings) the entrance of the very fine snow, driven by the wind 
through scattered crannies, covered all the floors & even the beds. 
Such a snow storm I have never known before. Clear, & some- 
thing milder. We needed the mail especially, but did not attempt 
to send to the Post Office, because of the difficulty & danger, & 
also under the belief that no mail could have been brought. 

20 th . 

By using still greater precautions, & especially by keeping the 
fire burning in my room all night, & a servant sleeping there for 
the purpose, (neither of which did I ever have before,) I kept 
nearly warm and comfortable. But not entirely so — as at 1 
o'clock I felt my feet a little cold. Clear & milder. My sons 
Edmund & Charles attempted to ride, & with great difficulty, 
reached the parsonage, on the public road, & but a mile from the 
farm buildings. The way was barely practicable, the riders 
having to dismount in several of the deepest snow drifts, to 
enable their horses to scramble out. For even an empty wheel 
carriage of any kind, the way was impracticable. Edmund & Mary 
rode on horseback to Tarbay, for exercise for the latter. And 
though the short distance is over level & open ground, where 
there was nothing to accumulate drifts, the passage was difficult 
for horses, & the small drifts would have stopped walkers. 
Everything that has to be moved on this farm, except in the 
yard, has to be carried on horseback. The only firm walking is 
on the frozen river, over which the ice & snow extend every 
where. I walked out more than a quarter mile, & I believe that 
the ice is strong enough to allow walking across. Except the calls 
made today on the nearest neighbors, at Tarbay & the Parsonage. 
I suppose that every family has been entirely cut off from all 
intercourse with others. 

21 st . 

Warmer. Edmund & Charles rode to the Glebe, but Charles 
had to leave his horse there, & pick his way on foot, through the 
fields, to his farm. The public mail road bevond the Glebe was 

242 William and Mary Quarterly 

impassable, & had not then been trodden by a foot. A physician 
attempted to ride farther, but was obliged to turn back, though in 
sight of his patient's house. Edmund heard the average depth of 
the snow estimated at 18 inches. He thinks it not much less. 
Having been confined to the house & yard, & seeing so much 
ground nearly bare & here the wind was most violent, I had 
supposed the average depth of the snow much less — perhaps 10 
inches deep. But it is not the general depth, but the particular 
deep drifts, that render walking & riding almost impracticable. I 
walked to Tarbay, by favor of the frozen snow along the river- 
shore, & the adjacent hillsides, on which the north wind did not 
allow much snow to remain. Of course, no mail has reached the 
Post Office since the snow began last Saturday night. Such ob- 
struction to travelling, even for a day, I have never heard of be- 
fore, in this region. According to present appearances & pros- 
pects, the roads will scarcely be practicable for carriages in a 
week. No one has attempted even to ride on horseback, except 
on compulsion. Those who have been compelled to send to the 
mill, for meal, have sent on horseback, & some on foot — & these 
have left the road often to avoid the snow drifts, that the travel 
does not in the least prepare for the subsequent use of wheel 

Jan. 22. 

Colder last night, & a light snow. Clear & bright sunshine. 
but with a N. \V. sharp wind & the weather colder (apparently) 
than at any time before. Confined to the house by the cold wind. 
& very tired of the confinement. Nothing heard from the outside 
of the farm. I have read everything I can find amusing in our 
late Reviews & other periodicals, & have been reduced to such 
poor stuff as the books of "Fanny Fern." 

23 rd . 

I walked across the river on the ice, to Berkeley landing, from 
the beach nearest to this house. With the usual liberal measure 
allowed for distances on water, this broad part of the river is 
generally called 3 miles across. But it is certainly less, & from the 
time T made, I do not think the distance more than 2 miles. I 

William and Mary Quarterly 243 

walked over in 55 minutes, & returned in 60. I designed to have 
visited the family for an hour or two. But hearing, at the shore, 
that all were from home, I returned immediately, after leaving 
my card. The ice was generally rough, but some spots (newly 
formed since the cessation of the violent wind in the night of 
July 18 th ,) being smooth. Some patches of dry & thin snow. 
The ice had numerous cracks, made by the rising & falling of the 
tide, & the sound of cracking was head uninterruptedly. In one 
place, the ice settled perceptibly, with cracking, as I was on it. 
But it was so thick, that my weight did not make the least ad- 
dition to the settling or cracking. No doubt the passage was very 
safe. But we are so unaccustomed here to ice so solid, & still 
more to any one venturing to cross a wide & deep river, that my 
walking over was a very unusual performance. Except in the 
case of the sailors of a vessel frozen in, & who walked to the 
shores to obtain food &c, I did not hear of any walking across 
the river last winter, when it was hard frozen — nor in the many 
preceding milder winters, during my proprietorship & residence 
here. But though very few persons would now dare to walk 
across — & still fewer except under strong necessity — & through 
certainly none ought to incur any apparent risk, without neces- 
sity — I am inclined to believe that a horse might have been sup- 
ported on most of the ice over which I passed today, notwith- 
standing its numerous cracks. I was well wrapped up to guard 
me from cold, & my feet especially well covered. I found the 
clothing & the exercise sufficient to keep me warm enough. I 
am not very much fatigued by the walk of at least 4 miles on the 
ice, but I had several falls, & by two of which I was hurt con- 
siderably for a while. I carried a light but strong staff" of 7 feet 
long, with a headless nail driven partly into the lower end, to 
prevent my slipping, & also to offer some aid in case of the ice 
breaking. However, I had every little dread of the latter con- 
tingency — & if it had happened, I would not have been in much 
danger of drowning, but in great danger of perishing by freezing, 
if remaining wet for half an hour in the present temperature. 
The ice on all the shallow water, & in the bay on this side, was as 
described above. But that over the ship channel looked less trust- 

244 William and Mary Quarterly 

worthy. From the greater effect there of both the wind & tides, 
all the ice had been broken up, & mostly in small pieces, during 
the snow storm — & all this ice has been formed since the night of 
18 th . This ice is full of the fragments of the previous cover of ice, 
very distinct from the new portion in which they are imbedded. 
But both the old & the new there is perfectly transparent. Sent 
to the Post Office, only to hear that no mail had yet arrived — & 
that no wheel-carriage, or sleigh, had been on the main public & 
mail road. We have so little snow, that few persons, in the coun- 
try, or for business, ever use a sleigh. But on this snow, because 
of its scarceity or absence in many spots, & the deep drifts in 
others, sleighing would be impracticable. We have now lost all 
three mails for the week — & have no prospect that the next mail 
can come. Yet this post office is but 16 miles from Petersburg & 
the main rail-road route, which must have been cleared of snow 
some days ago. 

24 th 

Rode to the Glebe, & thence to Ruthven to dinner. The road 
so deep in snow in many places that I had to leave it (following 
preceding tracks,) crossing fences into the adjacent fields. 
Found, as expected, that Julian's thermometer also had been 
broken by the storm. Mildred has been detained much over her 
designed stay at Ruthven — but she & the other ladies there having 
had a pleasant time, while confined to the house. 

25 th 

Sunday. No attempt to get to church — as it would certainly 
have been fruitless. Milder. 


Still no mail. Only one cart had passed along the main mail 
road, & that had been compelled to return, because unable to 


Very mild. Thawing — & no freezing by bed-time. Left 
Ruthven for Beechwood. A sale appointed for today had served 
to draw out sundry neighbors, to see other persons, & hear some 

William and Mary Quarterly 245 

news. I found some of these on my route, & heard something 
from abroad. M r . Mark's thermometer showed 12° below zero, 
on the morning of the 2y a . This was 2° colder than I ever knew 
before. M 1 '. Dunn had been compelled to ride to Petersburg on 
that day. Heard that the rail-way to Washington had not been 
then made practicable & of course no northern mail, except from 
Richmond. 4 men in Petersburg & in the vicinity had been ex- 
posed to the weather of the night of the i8 lh & 3 were frozen to 
death, & the fourth is expected to die. One of these was D r . Cox, 
a physician, riding in a buggy from Petersburg to his farm in 
Chesterfield. He was unable to open the gate, or to reach the 
house on foot, & died close to it. His companion (Traylor) is 
alive, but is worse than dead. All these cases were probably the 
results of more or less of intemperance. But two negro men, 
supposed sober, were frozen to death, in different places of this 
county, in that dreadful Sunday night in attempting to visit other 
houses but a few hundred yards distant. The snow & snow ice 
over the hard ice on the river mostly thawed, & in soft wet 
sludge, or water, before night. Edmund still confined to the 
house by his cold. 

28 th . 

Thawing last night & all this day. Light drizzle. Julian 
hearing yesterday that the mail had been brought as far as the 
Court House, sent there for his papers, & sent them to us this 
morning. We thus received the paper for 9 days at once — & 
scarcely any news, except the numerous accounts of the incidents 
of the snow storm, & of disasters therefrom. The roads are still 
blocked up & impassable everywhere heard from. The railways 
had been impassable for from 2 to 4 days — & no entire opening 
northward yet. Sunday more deaths reported, and others barely 
escaped, from freezing. The temperature correctly observed in 
Petersburg, on the morning of the 23 rd , reported to be 14° be:ow 
zero — & in Richmond 13° — & in different others places of the 
vicinity, still lower marks, & in one case as low as 20 below zero. 
I doubt these latter statements, but fully believe in the report from 
Petersburg. One of the negroes reported yesterday as frozen in 
Prince George, was in Planover. And 4 whites, (one a small 

246 William and Mary Quarterly 

boy) in a wagon, were frozen to death in that county. In Rich- 
mond & Petersburg, (the only towns from which we received 
papers,) there has been a general cessation of ordinary labor & 
business. No supplies or customers from the country. The 
passenger & mail trains on the Central Railroad, (on which the 
great N. & S. mail is transported,) remained, with all its freight, 
blocked up within 6 miles of Richmond, for two days & nights, & 
could not be there reached, & the passengers relieved, by car- 
riages, nor even by messengers on foot, sent with food. The 
mail to this office has not been brought yet — nor even at- 
tempted to be brought by the only means, t that is, on horseback, & 
frequently through the fields, where the snow is too deep in the 
roads. It is not so strange that so many lives have been lost, as 
that there were so few. The great violence of the wind & in- 
tense cold & the continued driving snow on the night of Sunday 
(18 th ) prevented the slaves visiting as is their usage. If the storm 
had not abated, many more of sober negroes, as well as of drunken 
whites -would have perished. The danger of the former was so 
great on this farm, that it was a mercy that all escaped. The 
negroes' houses were built in several different places, the better 
for health & comfort. If any one of the residents of one house 
had visited another, in that night, he might have sunk in a snow 
drift, where no cry for help could have been heard, though within 
a few hundred yards of a dwelling. 

Jan. 29 th . 

M r . Sayre arrived, to the great joy of his wife, & of all of us 
for her sake especially. With her feeble state of health, & weak 
nerves, she had been as wretched because of M r . Sayre's ab- 
sence, & ( not hearing from him, as if he had been exposed to all 
the horrors of the storm & cold. As might have been counted on 
with confidence, he has been quite safe & comfortable, & only 
shut in by the snow, & came as soon as a way was practicable. 
As it was, his carriage (hired in Petersburg ,at double price,) was 
the first that came near so far. For the last 7 miles the road was 
abandoned almost entirely, & the carriage was driven through the 
fields, & sometimes through woods. The railroads from Rich- 
mond to Washington were only opened on yesterday. Got a late 

William and Mary Quarterly 247 

newspaper by Mr. S., but with no important & definite news. 
Glad to learn there that had been no disaster, & no suffering, from 
the storm, at Malbourne. The public roads there were at last made 
passable by the road laborers, called out by the surveyors of the 
roads. Here, no surveyor has moved, & perhaps has not thought of 
it — because working on the roads to remove or tread down snow 
was never heard of, or needed, heretofore. Unless it is done, no 
public road can be travelled by carriages for a week or more, & 
neither the church or the post-office will be accessible along the 
roads by carriages. 

Feby. 2 nd . 

It would seem from the annexed statement of a Petersburg 
paper, (if to be relied on,) that the degrees of cold were very 
different, at different hours of the same morning — & this may 
serve to account for the various statements of different observers 
of thermometers, on the morning of the cold 18 th . It is reported 
in the Norfolk paper that a man walked across Hampton Roads, 
from Old Point Comfort to Willoughby's Point, & thence, on the 
ice, to Norfolk. Though the ferry steamers were kept running, 
(by breaking the ice ahead) still most of the persons who passed 
between Norfolk & Portsmouth walked across on the ice. Per- 
sons also walked across the Chesapeake bay, at Annapolis, where 
it is 12 miles wide — & from Edenton to Plymouth, 20 miles. 
across Albemarle Sound. 

[Annexed Clipping from a Petersburg Newspaper.] 

The Cold on Friday. 

"We are indebted to a friend who resides on Bollingbrook street, 
for the following report of the state of the Thermometer on Friday 
at the hours indicated, by observations carefully made by himself: — 

it $y 2 

o'clock A. 


15° be 

ow zero 

" 7 



i7 l A° 

M •( 

u 7 l A 




< 1. 

" 8 




4 '« 

" sy 2 




« it 

" va 




' " 

248 William and Mary Quarterly 

At the last named hour the Thermometer was put in the sun and 
showed 5 below zero. These observations were taken on Boiling- 
brook street in a Northern exposure. In the more elevatel parts of 
the city it was about 2° warmer. 

The above statement fully establishes the fact that the cold ex- 
ceeded in intensity any, within the memory of the present genera- 
tion — and it may, we doubt not, be truly asserted that it never has 
been equalled in this part of the world. So Friday, January 23, 1857, 
will be memorable, (we hope in all time to come) as the very coldest 
day upon record." 

William Maxwell and Andrew Stevenson. 

Jan. 30 th . 

The later papers state the deaths of two Virginians of some 
note, William Maxwell & Andrew Stevenson, but whose claims 
for distinction were very different. M r . Maxwell had great 
natural powers of mind, well cultivated by education, fine literary 
taste, was a good writer & eminent as a conversational debater. 
Besides his general literary pursuits, through his long life, he had 
occupied (for the first year,) the post of editor of the Jour- 
nal of Commerce in N. Y., & later the Presidency of Hampden 
Sidney College. His only service in political life was for one 
term in the State Senate of V a . in which, as elsewhere, his ready 
& pleasing elocution placed him in high rank. Still, with all his 
admitted abilities, and with unquestioned private integrity & 
worth, & a moral & religious life from his boyhood, he never 
succeeded in any effort, except in gaining the esteem of his 
friends ; & his living has had as little effect on the public interest 
or action as in promoting his own private interests or objects. He 
was not wanting in industrious & proper effort, & yet lived & died 
poor. Stevenson was immeasurably inferior in natural faculties 
of the higher order, & still more so in scholastic education. He 
was not a pattern of integrity in private life — & in public, was a 
corrupt & unprincipled politician, seeking to advance his own in- 
terest in preference to all others. But his moderate abilities in- 
cluded preserverance & impudence, & were precisely suited to 
benefit himself. He succeeded in reaching eminence & wealth, as 
a lawyer — & high rank as a politician, in his long public life. He 

William and Mary Quarter ly 249 

occupied a high position in the legislature of V a . — then in Con- 
gress, where he was Speaker, until (& indeed after,) he had re- 
ceived as pay for his corrupt devotion to Gen. Jackson's adminis- 
tration, the bribe of the appointment of minister to Great Britain. 
This great honor, (if it had been honorably earned and deserved,) 
seemed however to have been deemed payment in full for all his 
political services — as he never could afterwards obtain anything 
more of political office from either government or people. Still, 
he had empty compliments, flattering to his vanity. Thus, he was 
appointed a Visitor of the University, & Rector, or chairman of 
the board. He was little fitted by education for the government 
of an institution of learning. He had not even learned latin, 
though he was in the habit & very fond of using commonplace 
latin quotations in his speeches in Congress &c, which he ob- 
tained readily, with their meaning, from the "Dictionary of Quo- 
tations." I have had so bad an opinion of this distinguished Vir- 
ginian, that I have avoided making his personal acquaintance — &, 
(though I trust for different cause,) he seemed as little to desire 
my acquaintance, or to appreciate any worth in me. One reason 
may have been this : Among his undeserved honors, he used to 
be invited to deliver agricultural addresses (in other States,) & 
was president of the former State Agrl. Society of V a ., (so- 
called,) until that abortion was merged in the present State So- 
ciety, & when I was unanimously elected President, & not a vote 
was given to him, for that office. 

A Visit to Washington. 

Feby. 13. 

Went to Washington, by the Fredericksburg line — railroad & 
steamer. The Potomac much obstructed by ice still — both new, 
of 24 inch thick, & in the upper part of the route, the old & very 
thick ice, broken up, but lying thick. This came from above the 
falls. Eut the steamer is well constructed for breaking ice — & as 
the passage had been broken through, & travelled twice a day, we 
made better way than expected. To Browne's Hotel. Found 
there M r . W m . Boulware, & Thos. Ruffin, (M. C.) of N. C a . 

250 William and Maky Quarterly 

Feb. 14. 

In the course of the day, saw most of my former acquaint- 
ances, (members of Congress,) & was introduced to others — & 
saw some other & distinguished of great men, whom, humble as 
I may be, 1 would not be introduced to, or hold any communica- 
tion with. Among these is Sam Houston, the "hero of San 
Jacinto,'' the former President of Texas, & now senator of Texas. 
The position of this man, in regard to his merits, is marvellous. 
When long ago in Congress, he was only notable for his want of 
integrity, his being a tool & a pet of President Jackson, & his 
conduct as a bully & a western rowdy. Afterwards, when Gov- 
ernor of Tennessee, his conduct to his newly married wife was 
so monstrous. & unaccountable, that he was obliged (by public 
indignation) to resign his office, & leave the State. Subsequently 
that wife obtained a divorce. Pie took refuge among the 
Indians, & became as one of them, & took an Indian wife, whom 
he basely abandoned when he found it convenient to return to 
more civilized associates. Next he turned up in Texas, & in that 
new community of desperadoes of the worst habits & morals in 
general, it may be that Houston's vices were recommendations. 
He rose to the command of the army, & led in its seemingly 
hopeless retreat before the Mexican army, & in all the signal 
victory afterwards achieved at San Jacinto. Yet many of the 
most respectable of the men who fought there, pronounced that 
Houston showed total incompetency, & even want of personal 
courage — that his men forced him to stand at bay, or rather thai 
the army fought without his will, or his direction — & the victory 
was gained without any aid from the nominal commander. Still 
the glory so acquired raised him to be President of independent 
Texas. During all this time, in conduct & habits, he was a low 
blackguard & common drunkard. After the annexation of Texas, 
(which he tried all he could do to prevent,) he was elected one of 
the U. S. senators of the new State. He has since aspired to the 
presidency of the U. S., & has abstained latterly from his former 
drunken & other low habits. In the hope of obtaining northern 
support for his ambitious views, he has assumed northern grounds 
as to slavery. But in this last corrupt movement he has over- 

William and Mary Quarterly 251 

reached himself. It is understood that he will not be again elected 
to his present po^t — & he will have lost his previous popular sup- 
port, & become as despicable as he deserves to he, without gaining 
anything from the north. He has married again, & thus has or 
had three wives alive at once — his divorced wife, his deserted 
Indian wife, the last & legal wife. It is one of the foulest dis- 
graces of this country, that this despicable wretch should have 
reached, & so long maintained, a high position in popular favor. 
& that he should have been even thought of as one who might be 
elected President of the United States. For though other as 
base men have stood as high, most of these (as Benton) had 
great ability as well as villainy. But Houston never has exhibited 
any evidence of uncommon talent & his deviations from the 
course of discretion & good sense, as well as of moral rules, have 
been accounted for by some persons as the results of supposed 
partial insanity. 

I sought & had introductions to El wood Fisher & A. Dudley 
Mann. The latter is full of confidence in the success of his 
scheme of a line of enormous steamers like the "Great Eastern" 
now building near London. These vessels will be 700 feet in 
length, or 30,000 or more tons freight, are expected to cross the 
Atlantic in 7 days, & can so economize fuel, & cheapen freights, 
as to command the monoply of transportation. And these vessels 
will draw so much water, that the Chesapeake Bay & Norfolk 
harbor only will afford admittance. If half of M r Mann's antici- 
pations can be realized, they promise a great improvement & a 
glorious future for southern & especially Virginia commerce. I 
called on him, & was much gratified to hear his views more fully 
detailed than in his publication on the subject. I had long known. 
by his writings, Elwood Fisher as the able & instructive advocate 
for the southern states & their institution of slaverv, & was re- 
joiced to make his personal acquaintance, & to converse freeh 
with him. 

15 th - 

Was introduced to Major Ben. Macculloch, the celebrated 
Texan soldier, & who, as commander of the company of "Texas 
Rangers,' 7 rendered distinguished services in the Mexican war, & 

252 William and Mary Quarterly 

especially at Buena Vista. There, as I have heard, his previous 
bold & succsesful reconnoitring of the enemy's forces, penetrating 
within their piquet guards, was very instrumental in securing our 
great & wonderful victory. His appearance & manner are entirely 
different from what I would have expected in one of his deeds & 
associations. His face is handsome & striking, & his countenance 
mild & pleasing — his dress & manners such as suit a plain & un- 
pretending but high-bred gentleman. I was much pleased with 
him in our short conversation. Boulware & Fisher came to my 
apartment, & we conversed for two hours — F. the main talker. 
I referred, with due 8c high commendation to his celebrated lec- 
ture on the "Ntfrth & South," & our conversation was on its sub- 
ject, & that of my own former address or the social results of 
slavery & of its absence. F. adduced many facts, within his own 
experience, to sustain my positions which, however correct, were 
more drawn by me from reason & induction, than from any per- 
sonal knowledge, or experience. Fisher's conversation is lively, 
amusing & instructive. He was raised a Quaker — & his grand- 
father & father had emancipated their slaves & made every other 
incidental sacrifice to perform what they deemed their moral & 
religious duty in that respect. 

16 th . ' 

Soon after breakfast Senator Hunter called to see me. I did 
not recollect him, until he announced his name. When I had be- 
fore called to see my old friend Goode, where Hunter lives also, 
I asked for the latter, but he was out — & I left no card, or mes- 
sage for him, so as not to make any claim on his attention. 
Long ago, when he had attained no higher place than a seat in 
the House of Representatives, there was personal acquaintance & 
some correspondence between us. I have in almost everything 
approved his political conduct, & wished for his success & higher 
elevation. But it is now 20 years since I had met with him, & 
nearly as long since any letters had been exchanged. His visit 
was an unusually early hour, & otherwise without ceremony, & his 
manner cordial, kind, & as plain, as might be expected in country 
life. He offered to take me into the Senate Chamber, & some 
other attentions, which I knew would have been a tax on his 

William and Mary Quarterly 253 

much occupied time. I gladly, & only, accepted his invitation to 
the Senate Chamber, at the proper hour. Since Hunter has been 
deemed a prominent aspirant to the presidency, & with much 
prospect of future success, he is said to have become in his man- 
ner reserved, cold, & very cautious of his words. L saw that he 
was (& properly in his position,) cautious in his words, & very 
different from my own open & un weighed expressions on political 
matters— but nothing of coldness, or reserve otherwise, & no 
assumption of dignity, more than when we had met formerly. 
At the Senate Chamber, afterwards, & at my request, M r Hunter 
introduced me to Senator Toombs of G a . I referred to his pub- 
lished letter to the late "Southern Convention," in which he as- 
sumed the position that the legislatures of the Southern States, 
had the legal & constitutional right to tax the commodities of the 
North, after their introduction — & which power, if exercised, 
may be used effectually to defend & aid the southern states, & to 
retaliate the injuries of the north. I told him that if he was 
sure of being correct in his views, he owed to our cause, & also 
to himself, to sustain his propositions, in detail, & to have their 
truth established. He answered that he was perfectly sure of the 
soundness of his positions, & that he had been collecting mater- 
ials, & considering all the many published objections to his 
letters, & would, as soon as at leisure, present the subject, fully 
elucidated, to the public. I earnestly hope that he may be able 
to do so — & that the Southern States may fully avail themselves 
of this potent means for defence, & retaliation. But I doubt it. 
I have no legal knowledge on this or other subjects, & cannot 
present legal objections. But it seems to me that if the several 
states fully possess the power of taxing, (& of course prohibit- 
ing,) the sale of the commodities of other states, that it may be 
so exercised as to obtruct entirely the free commerce designed by 
the federal constitution, & to break the union itself. And though 
these results are exactly such as I would value the power for, I 
cannot believe that any such destructive power was ever designed 
to be admitted into the constitution. 

With M r . Boulware rode to the Observatory to visit Lieut. 
Maury. I had known him before, & found him now, as formerly. 

254 William and Mary Quarterly 

cordial, affable & agreeable, in our conversations on ordinary 
topics, in addition to his far more exalted merits as a man of 
science. He is one of the most able men of this confederation — & 
perhaps has the most extended reputation in Europe of any living 
citizen of America. Afternoon, visited the great niece of my 
wife, formerly Marian Moore, now married to Lieut. Johnson, 
U. S. N. 

Feby. 17 th . 

Attending to the two houses of congress. Went to dine, on 
invitation of M r Hunter, with his ''mess," which consists of 
himself, Senator Mason of V a ., Senator Butler of S. C a ., & 
Messrs. Goode & Garnett, members of H. of R. from V a . I had 
previously been well acquainted with all, except Senator Mason. 
M r . Boulware the only other guest. We had a very pleasant 
sitting, of several hours. There was nothing said seriously on 
political matters — but enough in other ways to make me think 
that Buchanan, the incoming president, has very little of the re- 
spect or the confidence of the men from the south, by whose 
support alone he was sustained & elected. I anticipate for him 
a reign that will bring to him but little of either pleasure or 
hono'r. The victory in the election of president, such as it was. 
was gained by the southern states & the Democratic party, as I 
inferred, only because Buchanan was a Pennsylvanian, & had the 
votes of his state because of favor, & not because of their ap- 
proval. But I had heard from Fisher, & it was repeated to-day, 
that enormous sums of money were sent from the city of New 
York, & a good deal also from the democrats of New Eng- 
land, to buy votes in Pennsylvania — & which turned the vote of 
that state. The victory over Fremont & abolitionism, if thus 
gained by bribery, is worth even less than T had before esti- 
mated it. 

18 th . 

As proposed yesterday by M r . Hunter, he called for me this 
morning soon after breakfast, & carried me to the public Botanic 
Garden, which is rather a collection of exotic & mostly trcphical 
plants, in several green or hot-houses. The establishment is 

William and Mary Quarterly 255 

under the charge of a very intelligent & competent Scotchman, 
named Smith, who was at first employed as a common laborer. 
There were many curious plants, which would have interested 
me for hours. But I would not detain M r . Hunter long, as I 
knew his time was precious. His polite offer & invitation, as on 
the two proceeding days, admitted me to the Senate Chamber. 
Nothing of interest there, as in the House of Representatives. 
Saw De Bow, editor of the Southern Review, & had some con- 
versations in regard to it & connected matters. 

Feb. 19. 

An exciting scene in the House of Representatives, for 
which I had been watching two days previous. The report of 
the "corruption committee" was submitted. Four members, all 
abolitionists & northern men (3 of X. Y. & 1 of Conn.,) are 
proved guilty of receiving enormous bribes, for their votes to 
enrich private interests, & their expulsion from the house is re- 
commended by the committee, by 4 to 1 . The committee, selected 
by the abolition speaker, consists of two democrats, two abolition- 
ists, & one ''know-nothing'' whig. The reading, & then the re- 
ception of the report was opposed by every effort, by some of the 
abolitionists; in long speeches. But two others of that party 
denounced this attempt to produce delay, & thus ward off the 
trial — by which delay alone the rascals would escape punishment, 
as the session is so near at an end. After a long & animated, & 
disorderly debate, the report was received, & ordered, with the 
testimony, to be printed. The discussion is postponed to next 
week. We have enough of immoral men in the south, & enough 
of such representatives in Congress. Nevertheless, not a mem- 
ber from any slave-holding state has been suspected of sharing 
in this base conduct, of receiving bribes, which though only now- 
proved, has existed for a long time. So it had come to be under- 
stood that very few large private claims could be passed without 
bribery— & that few such were rejected, if enough money was 
used to forward them. Still, this was but suspicion, & the facts 
were known only to those who either paid or received the bribes. 
Very warm for the last three days — no fires needed — & chilly as 
I am, a single sheet was as much bed-covering as I could bear 
in the early part of the nights. 

256 William and Mary Quarterly 

Who were to compose the cabinet of the new president has 
been a mystery until yesterday, when it was announced (though 
on no certain authority,) & the members are now believed to be 
understood. Cass is to be the Secretary of State. Howell Cobb 
of G a . Sec. of War, & Floyd, of Va. Sec. of the Xavy. All these 
I deem bad appointments, & there is nothing- to compensate these 
deficiencies in the other heads of inferior departments. In addi- 
tion to objections to Cass's political views, (he being a represen- 
tative of northern democracy,) he has seemed to have a mono- 
mania for war with England. Besides, rje is old, that his mind 
is probably failing, & it was never of very high order. Cobb was 
an advocate for the "compromise" measures of 1850, by which 
the rights of the southern states were sacrificed. In Ex-Gov. 
Floyd's integrity, public or private, I have no confidence. 
Pickens of S. C. is the only member of the new cabinet who (I 
suppose) goes fully for the south. But his own state could 
supply many men as true as he can be, & of greater ability. Yet 
all the democratic newspapers are pronouncing the appointments 
to be admirable. 

20 th . 

Called on M r Wheeler our minister to Nicaragua, with whom 
I had been slightly acquainted formerly. Had much information 
from him concerning that country & its inhabitants. He thinks 
that, according to his latest news. W r alker's situation is good. 
He has nearly 1200 men from the U. S., which number Wheeler 
thinks can maintain their ground against all the forces that the 
allies of Central America can bring against them. Nearly the 
whole population is of mixed blood, & no distinction made be- 
tween, or repugnance of any one color to another. The only 
inhabitants of pure blood are the aborigines. These are also the 
best of the population, in morals & habits — but they are few in 
number. Taken altogether, & throughout Central America, the 
people are worthless, & afford no hope of their improvement. 
They must give way to the Anglo-Saxon race — & their extinction 
will be a benefit to America. * * * 

With M r . Boulware, invited to take family dinner with M r . 
Fisher. M rs . Fisher a woman of fine appearance, & verv intelli- 

William and Mary Quarterly 257 

gent & agreeable in conversation. The time spent very pleasantly. 
This morning completed an arrangement with Dc Bow. I am 
to furnish to him any of my writings on general agricultural 
subjects, which, if approving & publishing them, he will pay 
for at the rate of $3. the page of his Review. I proposed for 
this purpose most of the several articles I have written (without 
correcting or altering as yet,) in the course of 1856. And this is 
the only proper channel for them — as they are too general, & 
not enough practical, & also too long, for communications. to the 
State Agricultural Society, & unsuited to any other publication, 
even if the agricultural periodical papers were not all of too low 
character to receive my pieces. In addition, probably neither they 
nor the political or commercial papers would choose to publish 
such long & general or speculative articles, although furnished 
to them gratituitously. Of course, none of them (in the south) 
would pay anything for communications of this or any other 
kind. De Bow also agreed to republish my recent articles advo- 
cating a dissolution of the Union. I was surprised that he should 
so consent. I had placed the series in his hand for his secretary — 
but I believe he read but little of them, before agreeing to insert 
them. Spent the evening in reading & correcting & making some 
change of form of the pieces, suitable to its place in a Review. 
At De Bow's request, it is to appear with my name as the author. 
If there is no other reason for its attracting notice, the boldness 
of the propositions, in a work of such character as this Review, 
will both attract attention, & bring on the acknowledged author 
plenty of censure & abuse. 

Gen. Cass has long been noted for the exhibition of hatred 
for England, & a seeming wish to get into war with that country. 
Fears seem to be entertained by many, that he may bring this 
about. Lord Palmerston the prime minister of England, is about 
as old as Cass, with a general propensity for war, & probably 
hates this country as much as Cass hates England. It would be 
remarkable, though not a very improbable event, if these two old 
fellows, who ought to be pushed off the stage of action, should 
bring about so great a calamity as a war between their countries. 

258 William and Mary Quarterly 

2 i- 1 . 

Dined by invitation with A. Dudley Mann, at his boarding 
house. The few other persons he expected were all engaged, & 
so he & I dined tete-a-tete. M r . Mann is a strong southerner. 
We agreed not only in that but other things — one of which is op- 
position to all duties on imported commodities, (or indirect 
taxes) or advocating perfectly free trade, & direct taxation. I 
knew that M r . Buchanan (like other Pennsylvania Democrats,) 
advocated high protective duties on coal & iron, the great pro- 
ducts of P\ But I did not know, until now (from M r . M.) that 
he had voted for the high tariff enacted in 1842. In this act of 
support of the protection system, & also of the basest breach of 
faith to the South in thus violating the noted compromise act. 
M r . Rives shared the infamy. It is understood here that the 
hungry office-seekers who were most active in supporting M r . 
Buchanan, expect him to make room for them by dismissing the 
present office holders, though they also are of the same party, & 
as good Buchanan men — & no matter if they have discharged 
their official duties ever so well. It is thought that this will be 
done. If so, it will present a new phase of the proscription sys- 
tem, which was first established by President Jackson, & adopted 
by every succeeding administration. This course has been, when 
a party victory was gained in a presidential election, for the new 
incumbent to turn out every office-holder, of the opposite party, 
no matter how meritorious, & to give their place to his supporters. 
This was sufficiently infamous. But when no change of party 
power is made, as at present, the partisans who have done all the 
dirty work of the election, will lose their pay, if respect is paid 
to the occupancy or merit of office-holders. Therefore, as re- 
ported, there is to be a general sweep. And in rewarding his ex- 
pectant friends, the president will convert as many other friends 
to enemies, by unjustly depriving them of office. Truly M r B. 
will have an uneasy time. 

23 r«i 

I left the wharf at Washington at 6 l / 2 A. m. & by steamer & 
railway reached Richmond at 2y> P. M. 

William and Mary Quarterly 259 

Communicated by Judge L. H. Jones, Louisville, Kentucky. 

The following lively interchange of notes occurred between 
Sir Marmaduke Beckwith, 1 and Col Thos. Jones,- clerk of 
Northumberland county. The original papers are endorsed : 

"Sr. Marmadukes Memo. & my Letter to him — 
Apl. 5th 1766." 

Sir Marmaduke's letter: 

"Mr. Eskridge informs me that you refuse to issue an 
Ex'on agst: Collo. Thornston's 3 body it being contrary to law. 
* * * I should be mightily obliged to you, if you would give 
Mr. Eskridge a mem'd. where I shall find that law, for I have 
got all the laws in Virg'a thats in force. * * * The Gen'll 
Court Law made in 1753 Section 14 concerning a Councillor does 
not I think warrant you for refusing an Exo. * * * It 
would be highly proper if there be a law that a councillors body 
shall not be taken in Exo. for a just debt, that every body should 
know it, for I don't know who would lend money for perhaps 
their Estates may either be Entail'd or mortgaged. * * * 

1 Sir Marmaduke Beckwith was the son of Sir Roger Beckwith, of 
England, and settled in Richmond County, of which he was clerk from 
1708 to 1748. 

2 Col. Thomas Jones was a grandson of Captain Roger Jones, 
who came to Virginia with Lord Culpeper in 1680 and had command 
of a sloop of war to suppress unlawful trading in James River. Col. Jones 
was born Dec. 25, 1726, was clerk of Northumberland Co. from 1740 
to 1778, after which time he removed to his seat "Spring Garden," 
near New-Castle, Hanover Co., where he died in 1785-1786. He mar- 
ried Sally, daughter of James Skelton and his wife Jane Meriwether. 
This Jones family is particularly distinguished for the great number 
of eminent men it furnished to Virginia, Kentucky, and the Union at 

3 Col. Presley Thornton is meant, who lived at "Northumberland 
House," in Northumberland Co. He was born in 1722 and died 
Dec. 8, 1769, being made a member of the Council ir> 1760. (See last 
number, p. 185.) 

260 William and Mary Quarterly 

1 desire you will give Mr. Eskridge an Exo. agst: Collo. 
Thornton's Estate returnable to September Court, also a copy of 
the Collos. list of Tythables, for the Sheriff's better Direction. 

I think it's too low for a Conncellor, that owes a man a Just 
Debt, to declare publickly that he will keep him out of it, as long 
as he can, and not give a good reason for it. * * * But noe 
matter, according to the old proverb — The More months, the 
more 40 s. 

I should be very glad that every man in Northumberland 
County should see this Letter. * * * 
I am 

Your most humble Serv't 

M : Beckwith 

last July 1765" 

"memd. for Mr. Eskridge to goe to Northumberland Office 
and get a copy of my Exo. agst: Collo. Thornton Estate, also a 
copy the sheriffs return, also a copy of the bond, where Collo. 
Thornton & his Securitys obliges themselves to pay the money in 
three months. * * * I design to put it in the Gazette, to 
let every body know by what Authority, the Ok of Northumber- 
land Court refused me an Exo. against Collo. Thornton's 
body. * * * 

M: B 
R: C. 17th: March 1766." 

Col. Thos. Jones' Reply. 

I have sent you a copy of your Execution against Colo. 
Presly Thornton, together with his Bond, and the Sheriffs re- 
turn; as to your putting it in the Gazette, (as you express your- 
self) you are extremely welcome, the Clerk of Northumberland's 
Action, dares stand the Scrutiny of the ill natured ignorant 
Vulgar. Lest you should not have reserved a Copy, of your 
Curious, & Genteel Memorandum to me, T have sent you one. 
* * * Vizt. Mem'd for Mr. Eskridge &c. 
I am Yr. Servant 

Thos. Jones" 

William and Mary Quarterly 261 


^Aj/vA 1/w ' (Continued from Page 202.) 


Capt. Wm. Jones was pro. about sixty years old, when he 

died, had served as burgess, high sheriff and justice of the 

County Court. 

He had m. 1st., probably a dau. of Jas. Johnson, and, sec- 
ond, Margaret Pinckard dau. of Capt. Jno. Pinckard, of Lan- 
caster Co. 

He seems to have left no will, and no doubt divided his es- 
tate among his children, though there is recorded but one deed 
of gift to his son Wm., Jr. 

10. Wm. 3 Jones, Jr. (Capt. Wm., 2 Robert, 1 ) m. Leanna Lee 
dau. of Chas. Lee, about 1703. Other children of Capt. Wm. 2 
Jones were probably (11) Robert, (12) Johnson, and (13) Ann 
whom m Nov. 1, 1718, Wm. Fleet of Lane. Co., with Geo Wale 

1706, No. 19, (2) Capt. Wm. Jones gave his son (10) Wm. 
Jones a deed for 245 a. of land, and in 1707 Wm Jones, Jr., 
brought suit against Geo Pickering for divers trespasses com- 
mitted by sd. Pickering on his land in St Stephen's parish, which 
land had been granted by the Proprietors of the Northern Neck, 
April 3, 1706, to Capt. Wm. Jones. 

Wm. Jones, Jr., as his father's administrator, fell heir to 
many law suits. He seems to have lived in St. Stephen's parish 
for several years at least and a number of his children were 
born then. 

On May 17, 1710, Wm. Jones, gent., and his uncle Maurice 
Jones were sworn Justices. 

June 22, 1710, Francis Willis brought suit against Wm. 
Jones, and on June 23, the old suit of John Tarpley, & his wife 
Elizabeth, executrix of Wm. Bruce, was revived 

262 William and Mary Quarterly 

July 20, upon the petition of Mrs. Sarah Lee, widow of Han- 
cock Lee, Robert Carter, Jno. Howson, Jno. Ingram, and Wm. 
Jones were appointed to divide the estate. 

Nov. 21, 1711, (10) Wm. Jones Gent was atty. for Richd. Lee, 

July 15, 1724 C?pt. Wm. Jones this day took the oaths ap- 
pointed by the late militia law. 

1728 April 17. Upon petition of Wm. Jones, in behalf of 
his son Chas. Jones, — Lewis ap Lewis Lewis to be summonded 
to answer sd. petition, and that Mary Johnson, Winifred Jones 
and Jane Lampkin, be summonded as evidences for sd. Chas. 

, The will of Capt. Wm. Jones was dat. Nov 25, 1740. — pro. 
May ii, 174 1, names wife — daus. Elizabeth Bell, Leana Jones, 
Ann Jones, son William, granddau. Ann Jones, Rev. John Bell. 

Children of Capt. Wm. Jones and Leana 3 (Lee) Jones (dau. 
Chas. 2 Lee, Richard 1 Lee) from will and St. Stephens' Parish 

1 ^Elizabeth 4 Jones, dau. to Wm., 3 b. Aug. 21, 1707, m. Rev. 
John Bell. 

2 Charles Jones, son to Wm., b. July 17, 17 10, d. before Jan. 
9, 1738, m., probably, about 1736 Elizabeth Heath, dau. of Sam- 
uel Heath. They had one child Ann, who m. Walter Jameson, 

3 Jemima Jones, dau. to Wm., b. July 26, 1720. 

4 William Jones, son to Wm., b. May 12, 1723; d. before 
• 1749. M. Mary had son Charles. 

5 Leanna, m., after 1740, Chas. Lee; will dated Jan. 24, 1761, 
proved Aug. 10, 1761. Names sister Ann Cottrell (wife of Thos. 
Cottrell), names her nephews Chas. Jones, James Bell, Samuel 
Heath Jameson (great nephews), son-in-law Chas. Lee, dec'd son 
Thos. Lee, niece Mary Burnley, cousin Margaret Pinckard. 
(Her grand mother was Margaret Pinckard Jones) 

William and Mary Quarterly 263 

6 Ann Jones m. 1st Wm Nelms, had Wm., m. 2nd, Thos 

The will of Leanna 3 (Lee) Jones (Chas. 2 Richard 1 ) was 
dated Feb. 28 1750, pro. 1760. Names dau. Leanna Lee, grand- 
son Wm Nelms. 

11. Robert 3 Jones (Capt. Wm., 2 Robert 1 ) 

This Robert Jones m. Elizabeth Brereton prior to 1716. 

1718, June 18. Petition of Robert Jones and Elizabeth, his 
wife, for a commission of administration on the estate of Thos. 
Brereton, the younger, Elizabeth next of kin to Thos. Brereton. 

Children (St. Stephen's Parish register) : 

Brereton Jones, son to Robert b. Jan. 4, 1716 

Betty Jones, dau. to Robert b. Jan. 9, 1718 

Robert Jones, son to Robert b. Jan. 26, 1721 

Wm. and Thomas Jones, sons to Robert b. Oct. 15, 1723 

3. Samuel 2 Jones (Robert 1 ) b. circa. 1662, d. Oct. 1697 

Samuel Jones is mentioned second in his father's will. His 
appearances in the county records are infrequent. In 1684. be 
was sued by Henry Bond, so had no doubt recently attained his 
majority. On June 21, 1693, Mr. Wm. Bruce brought suit 
against him, which was continued on Aug. 16, 1700 by John 
Tarpley and Elizabeth, his wife, administrators of Wm. Bruce, 
against Capt. Wm. Jones, administrator of Mr. Samuel Jones. 

• This is an instance of the persistence with which cases in- 
volving property rights were continued. 

On May 22, iy2g, Capt. Maurice 2 Jones, the only sur- 
viving son of the first Robert 1 Jones was sued by John Tar- 
pley, Jr., and Chas. Jones, pro. the son of Capt Maurice, was 
sued 1733 for the estate of W r m. Bruce. 

On March 21, 1694 Capt. Wm. Jones, Mr. Samuel Jones, and 
Mr. Robert Jones join in a complaint against Mr. Jno. Eustace, 
their cousin, for divers trespasses. 

Mr. Samuel Jones died Oct., 1697, and his brother Capt. 
Wm. was appointed administrator. He possibly left a wife am; 

264 William and Mary Quarterly 

daughters, but no sons, and there was much litigation over the 
disposal of his estate, which according to the will of his father 
should revert to Maurice Jones. 

4. Robert 2 Jones (Robert 1 ) was born 166 — d. 1703; m., first, 

probably Waddy. dau. Mr. Jas. Waddy; m. second, 

Sarah, widow of Thos. Salisbury, and dau. of Christopher 
Garlington, before 1698. His will was probated May 19, 1703, 
by his brother Capt. Maurice Jones. 

Aug. 19, 1703, Sarah Jones, widow of Mr. Robert Jones, 
confirms patent of s'd Jones, and the sd Sarah his then wife, made 
Aug. 17, 1698, to Mr. James Waddy, she being then under age. 
In 1712, Mr. James Waddy, administrator of Win. Jones, 
brought suit against Mr. Wm. Jones, and the court ordered the 
evidence of Mrs. Margaret Jones, (widow of Capt. Wm.) be 

June 22, 1704, Mr. John Carnegie sued W r m Jones, prob. the 
son of Robert, as he soon after brought suit vs. Capt Maurice 
Jones, the executor of Robert, for rent for a plantation. Sarah, 
the administratrix of Thos. Salisbury, had released land to Mr. 
Thos Feme, step-father to Thos. Salisbury & Winifred Hughlett. 

Mr. John Carnegie m. first, Winifred Hughlett, afterward 
Elizabeth Ball, dau. Col. Joseph Ball. 

The will of Christo. Garlington was dat. May 18, 1709, but 
burned with the records. At the request of Margaret Garlington, 
the widow, Capt. Maurice, who wrote the original will, furnished 
a transcript of it, and this will was again recorded Aug. 18, 1714. 
Christo. Garlington mentions, among others, his dau. Sarah Jones 
(widow of Robert) and his brother Maurice Jones. The writer 
believes that Margaret, wife of Christo. Garlington, was a sister 
of Maurice Jones. Later records are corroborative of this. 

The will of Sarah Jones, relict of Robert Jones, was dated 
Jan 26, 1720. She divided her estate between her son Maurice 
Jones "to be under the care of her brother Christopher Garling- 
ton, until he reaches the age of iS", and her son-in-law Thos. 

William and Mary Quarterly 265 

Maurice Jones died unmarried in , and left his whole 

estate to his sister Winifred Heath and her children, Wm., John, 
Mary and Betty Heath. 

4. Robert 2 Jones. 

Winifred (Jones) Heath m. 2nd Geo. Oldham. Her dau. 
Betty Heath m. Roger Winter. 

John Heath m. first Mary Waddy. He was a prominent man 
in North'd co., and his descendants have been prominent in the 
affairs of the nation. Heathsville, the county scat of Northum- 
berland Co., was named in honor of the son of John Heath. 

4 Robert 2 Jones (Robert 1 ) then had 

11 Robert 3 , 12, William, 13 Winifred, 14 Maurice; and doubt- 
less others. 

11. Robert 3 (Robert 2 , Robert 1 ) b. before 1698, d. 1750, will pro. 
Jan 14, 1 75 1. He m. 1st Elizabeth, widow of Jeffrey Gooch, 
2nd. about 1741 Elizabeth, widow of Thos. Taylor. 

He was inspector, justice for many years and May 11, 1741 
was sworn high sheriff. He was captain of the County militia 
and resided in Wicomico parish. 

June 12, 1739. Col. Philip Smith and Capt. Robert Jones took 
oaths appointed for officers of militia. 

Feb. 11, 1740. John Berry sued him for his wife's part of 
Jeffrey Gooch's estate. 

Oct. 11, 1742. In the difference between Spencer Ball, admin. 
of Mrs. Judith Jones, on behalf of his children, vs. Zachary 
Taylor, of Orange Co., guardian of John Jones, orphan of Swan, 
the estate was divided by Robert Berry, Robert Jones, Thps 
Berry and Christopher Garlington. 

Sept. 10, 1744. John Berry and Ann his wife, Wm Berry & 
Grace, his wife, coheirs of Jeffrey Gooch dec'd., with the consent 
of Robert Jones, who m. Elizabeth, the widow of Jeffrey, ask for a 
division of the estate. Capt Robert Jones's will was dated Aug 
27, 1749: names son Hezekiah, daus. Elizabeth, Sarah Ann, and 

266 William and Mary Quarterly 

Capt Maurice Jones, of Fleet's Pay, Nortii'd Co. 

5. .Maurice 2 (Robert 1 Jones) 

Maurice Jones first appears in the Northumberland Co. re- 
cords. Feb. 16, 1698, when he "entered a caveatt that no ad- 
ministration be granted on the estate of Mr. Samuel Jones until 
reasons are assigned." 

His godfather, Mr. John Cossens, in his will pro. by Lt. Col. 
Jno Carter Feb. 3, 1764, had given him a "competent seat of 
land," and he may have resided in another county. 

I have found no trace of the Cossens' seat of land in the 
North'd records. 

Maurice Jones was the youngest son of Mr. Robert Jones and 

his wife Martha. He was b. 166 ; d. before April 13, 1733. 

He m. probably, second, Judith Swan, dau. of Capt Alexander 
Swan. Capt Thos Pinckard m. Margaret, a sister of Judith 
Swan. Capt. Jno. Eustace in his will dated Dec 23, 1701 be- 
queathed to Maurice Jones, Thos. Pinckard and his wife Mar- 
garet, each mourning rings. 

Ma> v 19, 1703; Maurice Jones probated the will of his brother 
Robert Jones, of which he was executor. 

Mch. , 1706; Capt Maurice Jones this day sworn a Justice. 

Jan 19, 1709; the suit vs. his brother Capt. Wm Jones, admin- 
istrator of the estate of Mr. Samuel Jones, who died without male 
issue, and by the provision of his father's will in such case was to 
revert to Maurice terminated favorably to him. 

June 15, 1709; Maurice Jones was sworn high sheriff. 

July 20, 1709. Upon the petition of Madam Sarah Lee, he 
was appted. one of the appraisers of Mr. Hancock Lee's estate. 

May 17, 1 7 10. He was again sworn justice, and in June high 

Aug. 16, 1716. Indian John, belonging to Wicomico Indian 
Town, was charged with burning two dwellings belonging to 
Capt. Maurice Jones. This record shows that for nearly three 

William and Mary Quarterly 267 

quarters of a century the Wicomico Indians had lived contin- 
uously in a village of their own in North'd Co. What became 
of these Indians eventually would make an interesting contribu- 
tion to American history. 

June 17, 1719. Upon the motion of Elizabeth Taptico, wife of 
Wm Taptico, one of the chief men of the Indian Towne, Capt 
Maurice Jones was app'ted one of the appraisers of the estate of 
the sd. William Taptico. 

Dec. 20, 1 72 1. Capt Maurice Jones probated the will of Thomas 
Sandiford (This name was also spelled Sandford and Sanford). 
This will was dated Sept. 21, 1721 and recites, "I Thomas Sandi- 
ford living att Maurice Jones att Fleet's Bay in North'd Co." 
names Swann Jones, Mrs Judith Jones (wife of Capt Maurice) 
Judith Jones Jr., Betty Smith, his father Mr. (Dr.) Thos. Sandi- 
ford and Capt. Maurice Jones. 

_ James Sanford, of Richmond Co., in his will probated there 
Nov. 2, 1700 (Wm. & Mary Quar.) names his grandson Thomas 
Sandford and leaves a legacy to Sanford Jones. Sanford Jones 
was a son of Edward Jones (will pro. 1715) , who names his sons 
Sanford, Edward and Chas., and dau. Alicia Payne. Raleigh 
Travers, will Feb. 20, 1701, leaves legacies to Samuel & Mrs. 
Peachy, and Edward Jones. Mary Peachey's will, 17 13, names 
her daus. Mary Tarpley and Eliz. Jones. These will are all 
from Richmond Co., and they unfold genealogical problems not 
yet worked out. 

At the same time that Capt Maurice Jones presented the 
will of Thomas Sandiford for probate, he made a deed for land 
to Dr. Thos. Thornton, — Mrs. Judith Jones, his wife, relinquished 
her dower rights by her atty. Mr. Richard Lee. 

Jan. 18, 1727. Upon the motion of Richard Lee, Charles Jones 
took the oath as deputy clerk of North'd Co. 

On the same day Capt. Maurice Jones, Mr. Wm. Jones, Capt. 
Chas. Lee and Mr. Wm. Eustace were appointed to divide the 
estate of Mr. Hancock Lee dee'd, he had died in 1709, between 
Elizabeth Lee and the rest of the orphans. 

268 William and Mary Quarterly 

Mch 19, 1729. John Tarpley brought suit against Capt. Morris 
Jones. Dr. Wm. Bruce had first brought suit vs. Saml. Jones 
Jan 21, 1696. It was afterwards continued against Capt. Wm. 
Jones by Jno. & Eliz. Tarpley, adms. of Wm. Bruce. 

May 22, 1729, John Tarpley, Jr. Gent., continues the suit. 

April 18, 1733. The will of Capt Maurice Jones was presented 
for probate by his widow, Mrs. Judith Jones. Mr. Swann Jones, 
and Spencer Ball executors. 

Unfortunately, the will books of this time are missing, so that 
the provisions of the will are gleaned only in part from the 
meagre items of the Order Books. As was often the case, Capt. 
Jones may have provided for his older children before his mar- 
riage with Judith Swann. It is hardly possible that Swann was 
his eldest son. 

When the will was probated, and probably from a provision 
of the will, a deed of lease and release to 100 acres of land in 
Wicomico Parish was made to Wm. Garlington, perhaps a 
nephew of Capt. Jones. Power of atty. from Mrs. Elizabeth 
Jones, wife of Swan Jones, was given to Charles Jones and 
proved by Mrs Judith Jones & Spencer Ball. Mrs Judith Jones 
relinquished her right of dower in this 100 acres, and Mr. Charles 
Jones, atty. for Elizabeth, wife of Swann in her behalf, relin- 
quished her right of dower in sd. land. 

Mrs. Judith Jones, widow of Capt Maurice, died 1742. 

April 13, 1742, Spencer Ball petitioned for administration 
upon her estate in behalf of his four children, Judith, Mattrom, 
Betty and William Ball. 

May 10, 1742, Spencer Ball agreed to surrender certain prop- 
erty to Zachary Taylor gent, of Orange Co, present husband of 
Elizabeth, the mother of John Jones and orphan of Swan Jones, 
gent., deed. 

From the records the children of Capt. Morris Jones probably 
were : 

William and Mary Quarterly 269 

15 Chas., b. before 1700, d. 1759 rn., first, Elizabeth (possibly 
Lee), second, Mary Lampkin, widow of Theo (?) Lampkin, six 

16 Swann, b. after 1700, d. before 1742, m. Elizabeth, who 
m., second, Zachary Taylor of Orange Co. Child, John Jones. 

17 Betty, m. Smith, before 172 1. 

18 Judith, b. 171 — , m. Spencer Ball; children: (a) Judith b. 
1730, died April 30 1759; in. Jan 17, 1750 John Cralle. (b) 
Mattrom (c) Betty m William Roane, had Spencer & Thomas 
(d) William. For further account see Hayden's Genealogies. 

15 Mr. Chas. Jones, Sr. (Capt Maurice, 2 Robert 1 ) born pro. 
before 1700, d. 1755, m. 1st, Elizabeth, 2nd, Mary Lampkin, 

Capt. Maurice Jones' will is missing, but various records 
-make it seem probable that Chas. Jones, Sr. was his son. Chas. 
Jones, Jr., son of William and Leanna (Lee) Jcnes was born in 
St. Stephen's Parish in July, 1710, and died before 1739, leaving 
one child, an infant dau., Ann, named in her grandfather's will, 

The following notes relate to Chas Jones (senior) 

On Jan. 18, 1727, upon the motion of Richard Lee, Charles 
Jones took the oath as deputy clerk of this county. On the same 
day Capt. Maurice Jones, Mr. Wm. Jones, Capt Chas. Lee and 
Mr. Wm. Eustace were appointed to divide the estate of Mr. 
Hancock Lee dee'd, between Elizabeth Lee and the rest of the 
orphans. This same group of appraisers were appointed upon 
the motion of Hancock Lee, orphan of Hancock Lee, to allot him 
his estate, Mch. 19, 1729. 

173 1, Mch. 17. Power of Atty, from Lucy Baker to Chas. 
Jones to make deed to land from the s'd Lucy to Andrew Chilton, 
witness, Geo. Ingram and John Bash ford. 

1733 Mch. 15. Power of atty. from Lucy Baker to Chas. 
Jones proved by Geo. Ingram and Wm. Bell. Chas. Jones, atty. 
for sd. Lucy, to make deed to Wm. Garlington. Christopher 

2jo William and Mary Quarterly 

Garlington and wife Margaret made deed to land to Capt. 
Maurice Jones July 17, 1706, which seems to have some refer- 
ence to this release. 

1733, July 18. The will of Capt. Maurice Jones presented by 
Mrs. Judith Jones, widow, Mr. Swan Jones and Spencer Ball 

Mrs. Elizabeth Jones, the wife of Swann Jones, gives power 
of atty. to Chas. Jones to relinquish her right of dower in a hun- 
dred acres of land, made over to Wm. Garlington in Wicomico 
parish by her husband Swan Jones. Mrs. Judith Jones, widow of 
Capt Maurice Jones, relinquishes her right of dower in this land, 
which was probaly given back to Wm. Garlington by a provision 
in Capt. Jones' will. 

1734 May 15. The will of Maj. Chas. Lee was presented for 
probate by his widow, Mrs. Elizabeth (Pinckard) Lee. Capt 
Thos. Pinckard, the father of Mrs. Lee, his brother Richard Lee, 
and Mr. Charles Jones, were the executors. 

Elizabeth Jones gave power of atty. to Mr. Richard Lee, 
which was proved by Matthew Quelle and Chas. Jones. 

The inventory of Maj. Lee's estate was presented Nov. 21, 
J 734> by Richard Lee and Chas. Jones. 

1736, Mch. 17. L T pon the petition of Mr. Chas. Jones, one of 
the exec, of the late Maj. Chas. Lee, for a division of s'd de- 
ceased's estate, ordered that Elizabeth and Mary Lee be assigned 
their parts of same. (A woman's share of her father's estate 
was sometimes assigned under her maiden name.) 

The will of Mr. Chas. Jones was dated Sept. 20, 1754; pro. 
May 12, 1759. He names his sons William, Robert, John, Hor- 
ton and W nitty Jones ; his dan. Mary Ann Jones and his ''loving 
wife Mary." The witnesses were John Cralle and Susannah 
Stanley. The will provided that his estate should be equally 
divided between his dau. Mary Ann and his wife Mary, whom 
he pro. had recently married, when his dau. should come of age or 
marry. At the death of his wife his entire estate devised to her 
returned to his daughter Mary Ann. 

William and Mary QUARTERLY 271 

Win Jones, son of Chas. m. Ann, and had according to St. 
Stephen's Parish reg. Chas. Jones b. Sept 19, 1755, Swann Jones 
b. Oct 5, 1759. In the first census of Va. there is a Whittcy 
Jones in Nansemond Co., mentioned in Capts. Sumner's, Hol- 
land's and Darden's companies of militia, but I have no record of 
him in Northumberland Co. 

Mary Ann Jones, dau. of Chas., m. about 1758 George 
Dameron, great-grandson of Mr. Lawrence Dameron. 

The children of George and Mary Ann (Jones) Dameron 
were, (1) George Washington (2) Thomas (3) Alice (4) Robert 
Jones Dameron. 

Geo W. Dameron, d. unmarried. Thomas Dameron m. about 
1790 Elizabeth (tradition says Elizabeth Willis) and had (1) 
Mary Ann b. 1791, d. June, 1862; m. about 1821 Isaac Brent. 

(2) Willis Dameron b. in 1794; d 1834. Probably lived in 

(3) Margaret Sarah Dameron, b. in 179S; d. Dec. 7, 1S39 
m. Lawrence Haynie in Northumberland Co., Va., Sept. 14th, 

(4) Elizabeth, d. unmarried. 

Alice Dameron, dau. of George & Mary Ann (Jones) 
Dameron, m. May 12, 1794 Capt Wm. Giddings, and had Geo. 
Dameron Giddings, John, Mary Ann Jones Giddings, and Sarah 

Robert Jones Dameron, youngest child of Geo. & Mary 
Ann Dameron, m. Alice Chinn Shearman, dau Thomas and Ann 

[Any additional information will be appreciated.] « 

272 William and Mary Quarterly 

(Continued from Page 213.) 

Whereas ffrancis Wheeler of London, Merchant being" now 
bound a voyage to Virginia in the good ship the Honor of Lon- 
don whereof Capt. Thomas Harrison is M r & whereas y° s d 
ffrancis and M r John White of London Grocer doe send by y e s d 
shipp divers goods & marchandizes packed toyeyer as by y e bills 
of invoyces yereof is signified and alsoe servants whereof one 
of yem is y e servant of s d John White. And whereas the s d 
ffrancis Wheeler may happ to dye in y e s d voyage, now yerefore 
yey the s d ffrancis Wheeler & John White doe by yese p r sents 
assigne auyorize & appoynt Anyony Stanford factor for W™ 
Allen marchant in case y e s d ffrancis W neeler dy to be yere attor : 
factor & deputy to unlade y e s d goods & marchandize when yey 
come to Virginia & to traficke with & dispose of y e same toyeyer 
with y e servants affores d & to shippe & returne y e pduce & traf- 
ficke yereof to London to be consigned to y e s d John White 
for & to y e use of him y e s d John White & ffr Wheeler, there 
exec" & assignes respectively and alsoe to demande & geyer upp 
all debts due y e s d M r John White and to give & make acquit- 
tances for y e same. And so doe all yings ells needful about y e 
prmises as fully & effectually as if y e s d ffr Wheeler doe live and 
w r eare yere psonally present all wch y e s d ffr Wheeler & John 
White doe hereby ratifie & confirme, given under yere bans & 
seales dated at London yis 16 day of Sept 1646. 

• ffr Wheeler, ye seale 

John White, ye seale 
Sealed and deliv. in the p r sence of John Eldred, ffrancis Cooper. 

Att a Court holden for the County of Yorke Co. No y 8 30*, 

Whereas it appearey to y e Court by sufficient p'ffe that James 
Pinor servant to Capt. William Taylor hay several! tymes ab- 
sented himselfe from his M ra service by running away by wch 

William and Mary Quarterly 273 

meanes it appearey yat y e s d Capt Taylor hay been much damni- 
fied by y e losse of many of his catle wch weare committed to y* 
care & keeping of y e s d Pinor. This Court doy yerefore order 
that y e s d James Pinor shall according to act of Assembly in such 
cases p r vided make y e s A Capt. William Tayler satisfacon for his 
absenting himselfe from his servis in running away by serveing 
y e s d Capt. William Taylor one compleat yearc after he is free by 
his Indenture or oyer Covenant. 

It is ordered that there bee levyed in yis County of Yorke 
the sume of seaventeene thousand five hundred & sixty pounds 
of tob. & that yere be pd out of y e same these sev r all sumes to y* 
p'sons herein specified as followeth by the sev r all collectors ap- 
poynted by y e s d Assembly for yis County whoe are authorized 
to rec. the same viz* : 

To pay to David doehart for keeping the ferry in Hamp- 
ton p'ish the yeare 1647 the sume of 250 
To Dictoris Christmas for keeping y e ferry in New Po- 

quosin 0700 

To John Wilson for keeping y e ferry at Yorke 300 

To Richard Hopkins for his boate kept for ye County ser- 
vice 0300 
To Hampton P'ish for arrears last years for come to y e 

ferryman 0900 

To William Blackley for killing a wolfe according to act 0100 
To Peeter Riggby for killing a wolfe according to act 0100 

To Arthur Price for Woodley his escape 0300 

To Capt Christopher Calthroppe for arrears of his Bur- 
gesses charges 0480 
To Mr. Robert Vaus for soe much ou r charged him in the 

Middle Plantacion servis 0180 

T. Mr. Hugh Gwinn for Smith worke & accommodation to 

prison" 1 100 

To Capt William Taylor for his Burgesses Charges 300 

To Mr. Richard Lee for his Burgesses charges 300 

To Capt John Chisman for lockes keves & nayles for y e 

prison laste years 0150 

To pvison to y Collect™ 159 

274 William and Mary Quarterly 

ffor satistfacon whereof it is thought fitt & accordingly ordered 
that yere be levyed upon every tytheable p r son in vis county 
twenty pounds of tob for every cowe fower pounds of tobacco 
for every horse or mare twenty seaven pounds of tob for every 
hundred Acres of land, & for every goate twoe pounds of tob. 
And for discharge of payment yereof by any pson in yis county 
the sev r all collect rs are hereby authorized to distrayne of y e estates 
of such delinquents in satisffacon of yere dues as in oyer yere 
collections yey are auyorized by virtue of an act of Assembly & 
to discharge y e credit 1 " 8 herein nominated by such yere distresses 
as is expressed in y e act of Assembly in y e like kinde whereby 
y e County may be discharged yereof. 

Cornelius Janse Eraser of Rotterdam, marriner, constitutes 
his beloved freind M r John Merriman "Marchant at p r sent at 
Rotterdam" his true and lawful attorney to collect debts &c. 
August 1647. 

Cornelius Starrman of Rotterdam marriner constitutes his 
beloved friend M r John Merryman &c his lawful attorney. 

Robt: Brock, Currurgeon's deed to Thomas Bremo and Wil- 
liam Crouch dated 23d day of October 1647. 

Deed of Bernard Miller of y e Pish of Bartholomew London 
and inhabiting in Lond (?) lane within y e s d pish, coleman, ap- 
points his loving friend Richard Bryan of RatclirTe in the County 
of Middlesex Marriner "his true and lawful attorney &c," second 
day of Sept. Ano. do. 1647. 

Capt. John Chisman of the New Poquosin Pish gentleman 
release to John Adison last day of December An 1647. 

"Thomas Wallis of the County of Warwick river in Virginia, 
Doctor in Physic," "in consideration of six thousand pounds of 
tobacco," mortgages one Negro by name Sebastian, one Eng- 
lish boy by name Nathaniel Chambers, one Indian woman by 
name Marian, one great ffeather bed, boulster & pillow one 
mattress and one pillow a p. of Blanketts, one lesser ffeather- 
bed Bolster & Pillow marked with L one white Rugg & one 

William and Mary Quarterly 275 

Blankett to have and to hold unto George Ludlow Esq. — 16th 
day of December 1647. 

I Addam Key, cordewinder of Ratliffe, doe hereby make & 
ordain constitute appoynt & put in my place M r Thomas Harrison 
of Ratlife marriner my true and lawful attorney, &c. to aske, 
demand and leavy &c. of John Hamor or any one that is indebted 
to me in Virginia all such some or somes of Tobacco, hoggs & 
Catle &c. the 4th Sept. 1647. 

This bill bindeth me Richard Bernard of Yorke in Virginia- 
Gent to pay or cause to be paid unto Capt Thomas Harrison of 
Middlesex, Gent, or his assigns for the use of the children of 
Will Pryor gent, deceased for thirtie fower cowes, yearlings & 
calves & a Boat the some of fower score & one pounds of lawfull 
English money in or uppon the thirtieth day of May which shall 
be iii the year of our Lord 1649 and in Case the sd some of 
Eightie one powndes bee not payed to the s a Thomas Harrison 
or hii assignes at or before the s d thirtieth day of May that then 
this Bill bindeth me the s d Richard Bernard my executors, ad- 
ministrators or assignes to pay Thomas Harrison or Capt. Thomas 
Harwood or their Assignes for the use of the Children of M r 
William Pryor deceased sixteene thousand powndes of Good & 
Marchantable tobacco without Ground .leaves, with Caske, on 
the first day of Novem which shall be in the same yeare of our 
lord 1649. Given under my hand & seale the thirde day of Jan- 
uary 1647. 

Richard Bernard, the seale 

Signed, sealed and delivered in the p r sents of Philip Thacker, 
John Hartwell. 

A court holden for the County of Yorke January 24th 1647 
p r sent Mr. John Chew, Capt. W m Taylor, Capt. Ralph Wormeley, 
M r Richard Lee, M r Henry Lee. The Co rt hath made choice of 
George Johnson to be constable in the place and limitts-of Richard 
Vauson, alsoe of Robert Baldrey for the upper pts of Yorke Pish 
and William Tyman for the lower pte of the said Pish. And 
Capt. John Chisman is desired to sweare the s d Johnson, Capt. 

276 William and Mary Quarterly 

Nicholas Martian to sweare Robt. Baldrey and Mr. John Chew 
to sweare William Tyman to execute yere offices in yere severall 

At a Court holden for the County of Yorke January 24th 
1647. A suit of John Merryman vs Walter Sensserfe "M r of 
the shipp King David" dismissed. 

An order that Thomas Broughton who undertook to answer 
for a debt due by W m Knight "at the request of Tho: Wilson M r 
of y e shipp desire," pay the same to Richard Duning, Assignee 
of Luke Davis Administrator of y e estate of Edward Clussell to 
whom the debt was due. 

The court doy order that M r Lewis Burwell and Richard 
Parrett shall apprayse y e estate of Capt. Robt Morrison dec and 
M r Richard Lee is desired to give yem y e oayes for y e same. 

An Appraysement of the goods belonging unto V s estate of 
Rob* Wilde as fTollowey on the 27th of No v . 1647 

Imp r mis 3 barrells & halfe & one bushell of corne 0300 

Item twoe heifers and one Cowe Calfe 0700 

Item one old flocke bedd and boulster 0080 

Item two old blanketts 0080 

Item one sheete 0040 

Item one old coate 0040 

Item one old 
Item one old 
Item one pre of 
Item one' old shirte 
Item 4 yds of dutch 
Item one old booke 
Item one old drawing knife 
Jurat 1- Coram 

Jaun ; 23th 1647 
ffr. Willis 
The Invoyces of tob and debts due to y e 
deceased being incerted (?) by his will as follows 
(Total debt due from various persons of tobacco. 

William and Mary Quarterly 277 

Susan English's deed of gift of cattle to her children Eliza- 
beth, William and Denis English "And whereas there will be 
charges in bring upp y e afores d Children both for diett cloathing 
and schooling I desire it may be soe entered upon record in y* 
court booke yat whosoever bring upp y e children unto y e yeares 
of discresion with all yings necessary & fitting shall have the 
male catle for soe long a tyme as y e children be with yem. Wit- 
ness John Chew, Tho : Dobbs. 

(To be continued) 


Who were the F. F. V.'s? These letters are interpreted to 
stand for "The First Families of Virginia." They obviously had 
no reference to the early settlers, but to those families who in 
colonial times were socially prominent and wealthy. Perhaps 
the best test of such families was representation in the governor's 
office or in the colonial council whose membership was selected 
just for these elements in life. 

All the families represented in the council might not be in- 
cluded, but only those who showed a continuity of importance by 
great and continued prominence in local affairs as county lieuten- 
ants or colonels of the county militia. 

According to this definition I submit the following tentative 
list: 'Allerton, Armistead, Ballard, Bassett, Beale, Berkeley, Bev- 
erley, Blair, Bland, Bray, Bridger, Browne of "Four Mile Tree," 
Burwell, Byrd, Carter, Cary, Churchill, Claiborne, Corbin, Cus- 
tis, Cole, Dawson, Digges. Eppes, Farrar, Fitzhu gh, Fairfax. 
Gooch, Grymes, Harrison, Jenings of Ripon Hall, Kemp, Lewis, 
Littleton, Ludwell, Lee, Light foot, Mathers. Nelson, Page, 
Perry, Parke, Randolph, Robinson, Scarborough, Smith, of 
Gloucester Co., Spotswoocl, Taylce. Thorowgood, Thornton, 
Warner, West, Whiting, Willoughby, Willis, Wonr.eley, Yardley. 




During the colonial times the College of William and Mary embraced 
I. a Grammar School for scholars, in which Latin and Greek were the 
main studies. It had four classes; II. A Philosophy School, in which 
there were two professors. This school prepared those who had passed 
the grammar school for the degree of Bachelor of Arts. The scholar 
became a student and assumed the cap and gown. Under the College 
rules of June 24, 1727, it required two years for B. A., but latter under 
those of 1758, it required four years for that degree; III. A Divinity 
School. Such graduates as proposed to be ministers passed on to the 
Divinity School, in which there were two professors ; IV. There was, in 
addition, an elementary school for Indian children, to which white chil- 
dren of Williamsburg were also admitted. 

All these schools were represented by their professors in the Faculty, 
or, as it was then called, the "Society." 

In 1779 the College curriculum was reformed by Mr. Jefferson, and 
with the view of the making the College the State University he caused 
the Grammar, Divinity and Indian Schools to be abolished and substituted 
departments of Medicine, Law and Modern Languages. 

The department of Medicine was conducted by the celebrated Dr. 
James McClurg, but was discontinued in 1783 when he removed to Rich- 
mond. It was the second school of its kind in the United States. The 
Law School continued till 1S61. It was the first in the United States. 
The School of Modern Languages was also the first of its kind. It has 
continued, with some interruptions, till the present day. 

The Grammar School was revived in 1791, under its former pro- 
fessor, John Bracken, assisted by Humphrey Harwood, and in 1795 it 
had fifty or sixty boys and three teachers. It appears that Bracken was 
dignified at this time with the title of Professor of Humanity. 

Among the boys in 1792 was Henry St. George Tucker, 
son of Judge St. George Tucker, who, en March 8, 1790, was 
elected to succeed George Wythe, as professor of Law. Henry St. 
George Tucker was born December 29, 17S0, and died August 
2S, 1848.- He entered, it appears, the Grammar School in 1792, and 
graduated B. A. July 4. 1799. He attained great distinction, was member 
of Congress, President of the State Supreme Court of Appeals, and pro- 
fessor of Law at the University of Virginia, at the time of his death. At 
the same time his brother. Judge Nathaniel Beverley Tucker, was pro- 

William and Mary Quarterly 279 

fessor of Law at William and Mary College. They were half-brothers 
of John Randolph, of Roanoke. John Bracken, master of the Grammar 
School, came to Virginia from England in 1772, and was made minister 
of Bruton Church, Williamsburg. In November, 1775, he qualified as 
Master of the Grammar School at the College. After his reinstatement 
in 1791, he continued head of that school till his election in 1812 as tem- 
porary President of the College for one year. He died July 15, 1S18. 


W ms burg, Thursday Evening, Oct. 18 

I am informed by my son Harry that he has not untill this 
evening been called up to say a lesson since Monday evening last. 
As I understand he is at present immediately under you. I should 
be much obliged to you to inform me whether such an omission 
of duty arises from accident or from such an arrangement of the 
classes as to render it probable that he may in future receive so 
small a portion of your attention, only. I would fain flatter myself 
the latter cannot be the case, but as I am unacquainted with the 
arrangements of the Grammar School your communications on 
the subject would much oblige 
Your most obed 1 . hble Servant 

St. Geo. Tucker. 
The reverend M r Bracken 
First professor of Humanity 
in Wm & Mary Colledge. 

Oct. 19, 1792 

The omission mentioned in your Letter has been occasioned 
by a variety of causes, to which accident ; casual inadvertence & 
some particular circumstance arising from the accession of a new 
class, & the different arrangement of another, have contributed. 
You will observe that, on Tuesday, the forenoon only is assigned 
to the Grammar School & the Pres 1 indulges the Boys with a 

280 William and Mary Quarterly 

Holiday on Wednesday. Hence it inadvertently escaped me on 
Thusday morning that the lowest class had not been attended to 
on the preceding Tuesday 

I am Sir 

Your most obd 1 . Serv 1 

John Bracken. 
[Addressed] St. George Tucker, Esq r . 

Williamsburg, June, 1793 
My dear papa, , 

I now sit down to write you a few lines to show you my filial 
affection, and at the same time to let you know how we all are. 
Mama has given Brother Tudor and myself leave to go to a barbe- 
que which the boys are to have at college on Saturday, and more- 
over they are to run footraces. I have often wished to go to 
many places with the boys, but have said to myself, Would my 
papa like it? Would he do a thing his papa had bid him not to 
do? And by asking that question I hardly want to go anywhere 
with them, since I am sure you do it only for our good. I am now 
reading Cicero which though very hard yet it is very pretty, and I 
am also reading that part of Virgil where the Trojans & Rutuli 
are engaged in battles : on the Rutulian side because Euryalus and 
Nisus two youths who were sent to Aeneas slew many of the 
Rutulian chiefs: who being enraged slew Euryalus, and Nisus 
slew himself seeing his friend dead. The Rutuli then cut off 
their heads and set them on long spears and then engaged in 

I have one thing now to tell you, and that is that poor granny 
has had a very sore eye though it is getting better. Adieu my 
Dear papa and believe me to be your affectionate and dutiful son. 

Henry St. George Tucker. 

P. S. Excuse this foolish scroll. 
[Addressed] The Hon ble 

S* George Tucker Esq r . 


William and Mary Quarterly 281 

Lillia Skipwith to Mrs. Ravenscroft 

The writer of this letter, Lillia Skipwith, was the daughter of Sir 
Peyton Skipwith, of ''Prestwould," Mecklenburg Co., Virginia descended 
from Sir Gray Skipwith, who emigrated to Virginia from Prestwould, 
Leicestershire, England, during the usurpation of Cormwell. Her father 
married two sisters, daughters of Hugh Miller and Jane Boiling, his 
wife — Anne Miller, born March 13, 1742-3 and Jane, born April 10, 1743, 
and had issue: (1) Lillia, writer of the above letter, married 1st. George 
Carter, issue: Dr. Charles and Mary W. who married Joseph C. Cabell; 
married, second, in 1791 Judge St. George Tucker, his second wife. 
(2) Sir Gray, died 1852; (3) Peyton married Cornelia Green; (4) Helen 
married Tucker Coles; (5) Selina married John Coles; (6) Horatio died 
single: (7) Hamberstcne, died at Prestwould, Sept., 1863. Slaughter, 
History of Bristol Parish, p. 227. 

The handwriting of this letter is remarkably neat and good. The 
writer herself was distinguished for her brilliancy and information. Judge 
John Tyler ccmplimented her by comparing her to the celebrated Madam 
Ann Dacier, daughter of Tanaquil Faber, who was born at Saumer in 
1651 and was a prodigy of learning. 

The letter is addressed to "M ra Ravenscroft, Scotland. To the parti- 
cular care of Lieu 4 Heron of the 30 th Reg* or Cap 1 J. Murray, Queen's 
Rangers." Mrs. Ravenscroft was Lillias Miller, daughter of Hugh Miller, 
,and aunt of the writer of the letter. She was wife of Dr. John Ravenscroft, 
of Petersburg, who studied medicine at the University of Edinburg in 
1770. Mrs. Ravenscroft married 2dly Patrick Stewart of Borness and 
Cairnsmore in Galloway, Scotland. Notice the signature of the letter. 
Her name was Lillia Skipzi'itli, not Lillias or Lelia, as sometimes repre- 

James River Virginia Mar 16 th 17S1 

■When I inform my dear Aunt of the reasons which have 
obliged me to so long a silence I hope she will not accuse me of 
neglect or want of attention. Believe me my dear Aunt I have 
for a long time most ardently wished for an opportunity of letting 
you know that your Niece, tho' almost an entire stranger, wants 
not the regard and respect due to an xA.unt and the Sister of a 
Mother she sincerely loved. The total step put to an intercourse 
between this and the Mother Country has hitherto prevented me 
from writing and this which I now embrace is the first oppor- 
tunity I have met with since the commencement of these unhappy 

282 William and Mary Quarterly 

Perhaps my clear Aunt you have not yet heard of the irrepar- 
able loss we have sustained, and you must either remain in ignor- 
ance or I put myself to the pain of making you acquainted with it ; 
I will therefore sacrifice my own to your feelings, and inform you 
that last September, was twelve month I had the misfortune to 
lose the best of Mothers. I doubt not my dear Aunt will sym- 
pathize with me on the unhappy occasion, an occasion I must for 
ever regret. I have now two Brothers, Gray, & Peyton, and a 
Sister called Maria. The two last I know you have never seen. 
Maria is now three years old, and Peyton was given us a day 
before my Mamma's death. My Papa intends obtaining leave of 
Congress to visit Britain & will wait on you immediately on his 
arrival. He saw M r . Gordon on his return from England but 
could learn from him very little of the state of your family. With 
regard to my other Aunt, whom I never had the happiness of 
seeing, he had heard nothing, and we are entirely ignorant of her 
situation. My Uncle Miller still continues single and in good 
health; he is concerned in Merchandise, and takes great pleasure 
in the management of a little Farm in the County of Mecklenburg. 
He purposes returning to Britain as soon as the time will permit. 
I am also in the pleasing expectation of paying you a visit if 
peace should take place before my Papa's departure, as he has 
hinted to me his intention of carrying me with him. 

I flatter myself my dear Aunt will one day favour me with a 
letter which if directed to the care of Benjamin Dean Esq r . in 
Philadelphia & sent by the way of New York will certainly come 
to hand. 

Please to present my love joined to my Papa's Compliments to 
my Uncle Aunt & Cousins & believe me to be most sincerely. 
Dear Madam, 
Your affectionate & obedient Niece 

Lillia Skipwith. 
M™ Ravenscroft 

To the particular care of 
Lieu 1 . Heron of the 30 th . 

Reg*, or Cap 1 . T. Murray 
Queen's Rangers. 

William and Mary Quarterly 283 

Ed. F. Tayloe to Gov. T. \V. Gilmer. 

The writer of this letter was a son of Col. John Tayloe, of '*Mt. 
Airy," and Anne Ogle, his wife, daughter of Benjamin Ogle, of Mary- 
land, and granddaughter of Gov. Samuel Ogle. Col. Tayloe was one 
of the wealthiest men in America, and a very accomplished gentleman 
and his homes in Virginia and Washington were famous for hospitality. 
His son, E. F. Tayloe, resided in King George County, Va., where his 
residence, a fine brick house, mounted on a hill overlooking the Rappa- 
hannock, was known as "Powhatan." 

Powhatan Hill, 10 th Oct. 1840. 

To His Ex'cy Governor Gilmer, 

My dear Sir, 

I do not feel at liberty to withhold from you the following 
extracts from a letter, which I found here on my return from 
Richmond. It is from my brother, B. O. Tayloe, who has been 
for several weeks past in the neighborhood of Albany, and bears 
date on the 27 th Sept. He wrote me with the earnest hope that 
it might reach me before I set out for the Convention of the 5 th . 

It will suffice to furnish you the information without any 
comment. After hearing the repeated declarations of Air : Web- 
ster concerning our Southern Rights, and knowing that the mass 
of the Whig Party at the North entertain the same sentiments. 
we cannot doubt whether we have any thing to fear from our 
Northern political allies on this Abolition Question — whilst the 
threats of our opponents — Dallas, Forsythe & the Van Buren 
press — that if the South do not support Van Buren, it must not 
expect the aid of his friends — make it certain that this party is 
not to be trusted on this nor on any other subject. They will do 
nothing which will not make to their interest. But I preceed to 
furnish the extracts. The letter is written from Troy in New 

"Yesterday, the Governor, as Com 1 ", in Chief, with his Military 
Staff, was here, to review the Militia. Before going to the field, 
I was invited to meet him at a 'collation.' After some little con- 

284 William and Mary Quarterly 

versation on the politics of the day, he enquired of me, 'Why does 
your Governor push me so hard on a subject that it is not discreet 
for me to discuss with him at this time.' 'I was willing to bear 
the blame of delay, and to be charged with rudeness, non-com- 
mittalism, or anything rather than get into a discussion that may 
endanger the Whig cause.' 'But your Governor will not allow me 
to remain silent/ 'I can no longer postpone an answer to his 
letters & I must write one forthwith, but it will not be such an 
one as will please him or the people of Virginia. I cannot write 
one that might destroy us at home — the fault is not mine, should 
it injure the Whig cause with you (in Virginia). Gov 1 . Seward 
is no Abolitionist, but he thinks it might seriously affect our 
cause, by driving many of them from the Whig ranks, who 
might be induced to join their independent ticket, were he to re- 
consider his course in such a way as to suit the views of Vir- 
ginia, or especially those of Gov. Gilmer." 

"I give you his remarks, so that in your intercourse with Gov. 
Gilmer, you may anticipate Gov r . Seward's letter, and prevent 
perhaps, by a suggestion from you, its gaining publicity, until 
after the Presidential election in Virginia." 

"You are no doubt already informed, how Mr. V. B/s political 
partisans, (as Dallas & Forsyth, by concert) have threatened the 
South with the dangers of Abolitionism, from the North and 
"Centre," in case it will not vote for V. B/s re-election. Gov. 
Seward is confident of his total overthrow & predicts his union 
with the Abolitionists, as the party to be hereafter opposed to 
Harrison & the Whigs. The Gov : estimates Harrison's majority 
in this State from 15 to 17,000, thinking we may lose New York 
City by 2000; or perhaps carry it by a very small vote." 

You will, I hope, appreciate my motives in writing you, and 
believe me to be, with most sincere regard, Very Respectfully, 

Ed. F. Tayloe. 

William and Mary Quarterly 285 

Letter to Mr. M. J. Smead. 1 

Richmond, Feby 9 th , 1845. 

Your letter would have been answered sometime since, had I 
remained at home, but I left very unexpectedly for Petersburg, 
where, according to my custom, I staid twice as long as I in- 
tended. While I was there, it was impossible for me to write, 
for there were five girls staying in the house with me, & it was 
one continued round of frolicking the whole time, so that I had 
not a leisure moment, and after I returned M r Lefebre told me 
not to write until he did, so I took his advice and postponed it 
till the present moment. 

Richmond has been gayer this winter than I have ever known 
it to be, caused by the number of weddings I suppose; three large 
parties the same evening is a very common occurrence and the 
town is filled with strangers. There is scarcely a house that has 
not three or four young ladies (vistors) staying with them. We 
have had a good many weddings. I believe you are acquainted 
with some of the parties — the wealthy Miss Bruce heads the list, 
she married Mr. Seddon, a lawyer of this place (with whom 
perhaps you are acquainted), now our representative in Congress. 
Sarah Sheppards, Jack's sister is also married. Eliza McCaw 
married Mr. Patterson, and there have been numerous weddings 
but the parties I believe are strangers to you. Ann Carmichael 
is to be married in a few days to a gentleman from New York. 
He was introduced to her on Friday, addressed her on Monday 
and is to marry her in a few days. I suppose that her exper- 
ience taught her that long engagements did not terminate happily 
and she determined to try a short one. I understand that she 
told him that she had never loved any one but Shakespeare Cald- 
well but that she would try to love him — very complimentary 
don't you think so? 

Well, now for the last piece of news, which I fear will distress 
you very much ; it is that your old flame Miss Fanny Giles is to 

1 Mr. Smead was Professor of Latin and Greek in William. and Mary 
College, 1 848- 1 857. 

286 William and Mary Quarterly 

be married very soon to Mr. Edward Wills. They were to have 
been married in December, but his business prevented him from 
coming in from Missouri, where he now resides. But he is at 
present in Richmond, & rumor says he is to take Miss Fanny off 
in a few days. The only consolation I can offer is that there is 
many a slip betwext the cup and lip, and as the wedding- has been 
postponed, it may possibly be indefinitely postponed. 

[Signed] Kate. 

Mrs. Cynthia B. T. Washington to Lawrence Washington. 

The writer of this letter was a daughter of Judge Nathaniel Beverley 
Tucker, of Williamsburg. She was born Jan'y 18, 1S32, and died Oct. 
24, 1908. She married., first, Henry A. Washington, who was Professor of 
History and Political Economy in William and Mary College from 1849- 
1857. He was son of Lawrence Washington, a great-nephew of General 
George Washington. After Mr. Washington's death, which occurred 
before this letter was written, she married Dr. Charles Washington Cole- 
man. She was a leading figure in the life of Williamsburg. This letter 
is interesting on account of its description of the fire which consumed 
the College in 1S59. 

Williamsburg Feb 9 th .. 1859 
Wednesday night 

I have not heard from you all, my dear Pa, since soon after 
Xmas, & I am really beginning to be uneasy about you. So long 
as I had not written I could not expect to hear, but I have been 
looking recently, day after day, for a letter from either Ma or 
yourself. I do trust nothing is the matter with any of you. 

We are all in great distress about our old College. Late on 
the night of the 7th I directed the enclosed invitation to you, & 
before the morning light the College was, in ashes. The fire 
broke out in the wing in which were both Laboratory & Library, 
when it was discovered both were in flames, & the students who 
had rooms above narrowly escaped with their lives, & several of 
them losing a great deal. Only a few books not in the Library- 
were saved, that room could never be entered. In it were books 

William and Mary Quarterly 287 

of great value on account of their antiquity — a fine classical & 
Theological collection all lost, Books presented by one of the 
Kings of France, Louis the 16th I think. The chemical apparatus, 
everything in short, except the portraits the College records & 
Charier, which were fortunately in the Blue room. The Library 
of one of the Literary society was also partly saved. The Chapel 
is a perfect wreck. There was little of value there that could be 
moved, but its walls were adorned with beautiful marble tablets 
in memory of the old worthies. All were broken & destroyed, 
except the handsomest of all to Sir John Randolph, which is 
partly standing & the Professors hope to be able to collect the 
fragments, & perhaps, be able to put, at least, this one together. 
It is not known how the fire originated, but it is supposed to have 
begun either in the cellar or Laboratory; The loss to Williams- 
burg is great, the citizens feel as if they had lost a dear friend, & 
it is a melancholy sight to gaze upon the now blackened wall of 
our venerable Institution. Men & women have mingled their 
tears over her sad fate. They and the Faculty are united in 
desiring to rebuild immediately, & to-morrow they begin their 
preparations, to-night letters are to be written to Architects. The 
citizens have already subscribed $6000. together with the Faculty. 
The College is insured for $20,000, & it is thought with $50,000 
they can put up a handsome building, one that will be an honour 
to the State, furnished with a useful Library, apparatus, &c. Of 
course, they hope for aid, not only from the Alumni of the Col- 
lege, but from all her friends. And now I am going to do what 
I have never done before I am going to ask if you have any 
money to spare to give old W r illiam & Mary a helping hand. I 
know you must feel interested in this venerable institution for 
her' own sake, still more for the sake of one who while a Lecturer 
in her Halls was her chief ornament, & who tho' taken from them 
is not forgotten by her Faculty. I must tell you that some of 
the books he gave to the College were among those saved. Lec- 
tures have not been suspended, but are conducted in a building 
near by the ruin secured for this purpose. Virginia cannot be 
willing to let William & Mary go down for ever. I know you 
are no beggar, but just say what you can in favour of the 
College. I am so sorrv Bob did not come here this rear, as he 

288 William and Mary Quarterly 

wanted to pay particular attention to the Languages, he would 
have had admirable opportunities for doing so. M r . Smead was 
dismissed by the Visitors, & in his place were put two young 
gentlemen educated at the University, & since in Europe paid 
particular attention to the Languages. Both are very young, & 
one of them is said to be, in point of talent, one of the most re- 
markable men of his age in the State. * * * I must tell 
you quite a remarkable thing. To-day a book was drawn out 
from under the ruins perfectly entire, the moment it was exposed 
to the air it took fire, & could not be saved. 

[Addressed to "Lawrence Washington, Esq., Ooak Grove 
Post Office, Westmoreland Co., Virginia."] 

Letters to John Tyler in 1861. 

Boston. 12 Feb 7 . 
My dear Mr. President, 

I was extremely sorry to be compelled to leave Washington 
without seeing the members of the Peace Convention, & without 
paying my respects once more to yourself. Illness in my family, & 
engagments from which I could not escape, left me no. alter- 

On reaching home, a day or two since, I was greatly gratified 
by finding your three Historical x-\ddresses awaiting me. I thank 
you sincerely for so kind & prompt a compliance with my request. 
I have read them with the highest interest, & shall preserve 
them as cherished memorials of your regard. 

We are looking with great anxiety to the results of the de- 
liberations over which you have been called to preside. Most 
heartily do I hope that the spirit of conciliation & of patriotism. 
to which you gave such felicitous utterance in your opening Ad- 
dress, may actuate all the proceedings of the Covention. I dare 
not rely too much on the course of our Massachusetts members, 
though it does not become me to prejudge them unfavorably. 
Among the members from other States I recognize so many 
noble & gallant Statesmen with whom I have been associated in 

William and Mary Quarterly 289 

former years, that I cannot despair of something being accom- 
plished for the peace & Union of our Country. If a successful 
adjustment shall be reached & ratified, under your auspices, you 
will have won a higher title to the gratitude of posterity than 
will be within the reach of others for many generations to come. 

Believe me, Dear Sir, 

With the highest respect, 
Very faithfully, 

Yours, Rob 1 . C. Winthrop. - 
Pres*. Tyler. 

P. S. On your return home, after the labors & cares of the 
Convention at Washington & Richmond are over. I may venture 
to send you an Address or two on kindred topics with your own. 
in renewed remembrance of your obliging favors. 

Private & Confidential, 
Thursday Evening, 21 Feb: 1861. 
My dear Sir, 

I called to see you this evening to consult you about a matter 
of some little importance. Ought the Federal troops now in 
Washington to parade tomorrow with the local volunteers? I 
thought if this were done, it might arouse the susceptibilities of 
members of the Peace Convention. What is your opinion on 
the subject? 

Your friend, n ~ 

Very respectfully, 

James Buchanan. 
President Tyler. 

Senate Chamber, 2 March 
'61. 10 P. M. 
My dear Sir, 

I send you a note of the progress of measures to furnish 
securities!! to the South. As you may recollect, the report of the 
Peace Conference took the plea in the Senate of the Crittenden 

290 William and Mary Quarterly 

AmendmV which the Legislature said would be accepted by Vir- 
ginia-— introduced by M r . Crittenden from the Select Committee 
to which it was referred in the most impressive form. That re- 
port (or the amendm* it presented) was debated yesterday until 
the adjournment. To-day it was postponed on motion of Douglas 
to give precidence to a joint resol n passed yesterday by the House 
purposing as an amendm* to the Constitution the single article 
that no amendm 1 should be made to the Constitution giving 
power to Congress to abolish Slavery in the States. To this miser- 
able evasion they have at last come down, to gull Virginia and 
the Southern States, & Douglas and Crittenden combining to give 
it precedence in the vote of the Senate, both to the amendm 1 oi 
the fatter & that purposed by the Peace Commissioners. What 
a commentary on what those gentlemen take to be the position 
of our honored State. 

At the hour I write, Crittenden's amendm 1 is offered & pend- 
ing as a substitute for the House resol". I will give you the re- 
sult & the final vote before I close. 
Sunday morning 

The Senate about midnight adjourned to 7 o'clock this (Sun- 
day) evening, no vote being taken. We shall endeavor to press 
them to a vote on Crittenden's amendm 1 as ag< the House resol 3 , 
but if we get a vote,- the amendm 1 will fail. After that I suppose 
tht thing will have the sleep of death. 

I fear you can hardly decypher this scrawl. 

Very respectfully & truly, 

My dear Sir, Yours, 

J. M. Mason. 
The Hon Mr. Tyler. 

William and Mary Quarterly 291 

General Joseph E. Johnston to Benjamin S. Ewell, 
President of William and Mary College. 

Richmond June 29 th 1878 
My dear Colonel, 

Your note of the 22* came in due time. I have put oft" this 
reply to see if I should be well enough to go with the party on 
the 4 th and now think that I shall, and if able I shall certainly see 
you on the 4"*. 

I was much gratified by my election as visitor of Wm & Mary. 
On account of historic as well as personal associations, the latter 
being your connection with and interest in the most venerable 
institution in the State. 

Have you observed that in a moment of weakness I agreed 
to be a candidate for Congress? The man whose idea of 
greatest harm to his enemy was that he would write a book had 
not heard of elections. My enemies are doubly happy, a reflec- 
tion which doubles my disgust. 

Yours truly, 

J. E. Johnston. 

Mrs. Johnston is afraid to undertake the journey to Williams- 
burg, although it would give her very great pleasure to see you 
again an event which we continually hope for. She sends cordial 
remembrances to Lizzy and you. 


292 William and Ma*y Quarterly 


There were two prominent John Smiths living in Virginia 
about 1660, in regard to whom some confusion had resulted. In 
an article on the Bernard family in Quarterly, V., 63, it is 
shown that Richard Bernard, of Buckinghamshire, England, pat- 
ented 1,000 acres in Gloucester County, and that in 1662, his 
widow, Anna Bernard, whose maiden name was Corderoy, was 
living at "Purton" on York River with her daughter, Anna 
Smith. There can be little doubt that this daughter was the wife 
of the first John Smith, of "Purton" (Portan, Poetan, Powhatan), 
ancestor of a well-known family, who resided for many years at 
that place now identified as the site of Powhatan's chief town 
Poetan or Werococomoco, where, in 1607, another and more 
famous John Smith was saved by Pocahontas. 

As evidence of this marriage of Anna Bernard to John Smith, 
a John Smith was numbered among the headrights of Richard 
Bernard in 1652, and in 1662 John Smith witnessed a deed of 
Mrs. Anna Bernard, of "Purton." 

The following year (1663), as Beverley, the historian informs 
us, a plot was disclosed to the public by a servant of "Mr. Smith, 
of Purton." 

So much seems certain; but the article in the magazine ap- 
pears in error in attempting to identify John Smith, of "Purton," 
with Major John Smith, of Warwick County, who was Speaker 
of the House of Burgesses in 1658. The fact is, there is nothing 
to show that John Smith, of "Purton," attained the military title 
of major, as early as 1658, though he was a major in 1665. 
There was another John Smith, who, in 1654, purchased land, in 
Upper Machodock Xeck, Westmoreland County (afterwards 
Stafford Co.), but does not appear to have resided there at that 
time. He was known as Major John Smith, though his true name 
was Francis Dade. He had issue living in 1651, Francis, Mary 
and Anna Dade. 

William and Mary Quarterly 


Other children were born later. His wife was named Beheth- 
land Bernard, and there are facts which appear to identify them 
both with Warwick County. There was a Capt. Thomas Bernard 
resident in Warwick, who might have been her father, and in the 
Westmoreland records there are certain deeds which point the 
family to a Warwick origin. Thus on January 20, 1659-1660, 
Major John Smith and Behethland, his wife, "of Potomack," 
made a power of attorney to Major Edward Griffith, of Mulberry 
Island, in the county of Warwick. Then, on December 29, 1663, 
Edward Griffith and Elizabeth, his wife, of Mulberry Island in 
James River, assign to Francis Dade, son of Major Francis Dade, 
deceased, all their right in a patent of land in Westmoreland Co., 
and in case of his death they gave their interest to his brothers 
and sisters, and in case of their decease, the land was devised to 
Mrs. Behethland Dade, relict of said Major Francis Dade. 

Major Smith, alias Dade, died on a return voyage from Eng- 
land in 1662. He was then known by the name of Francis Dade; 
and as, up to the restoration of Charles II., he called himself Smith 
and immediately after was known as Dade, the sudden change is 
very suggestive. He was doubtless a cavalier who had been 
implicated in one or more of the royalist plots previous to his 
coming to Virginia — a fact which had rendered it prudent for him 

to assume an alias. 

After Major Dade's death, his widow married Major Andrew 

Gilson and had a daughter, Behethland (born in 1666, died 
October, 1693), wno married Xehemiah Stork and had a daugh- 
ter, Elizabeth, born 1687, wno married Captain Thomas Newton 
in 1702. Behethland Stork married, secondly, Capt. Samuel 

Though the two John Smiths married two Misses Bernard, 
it is not known that either couple was directly related. 

(See Quarterly IV., 46; V., 62-64; XIII., [46, 147. 289, 290; 
Virginia Afagazine, XX. t 326; Hayden, Genealogies, 73 * '734; 
Barradall's Reports. Armistead vs. Xeii'ton.) 

204 William and Mary Quarterly 


"Burial Places. — A committee from our society, together 
with a similar one from the society of the Descendants of the 
Signers of the Declaration of Independence, have undertaken 
jointly the preparation of a work on the subject of the Signers 
of the Declaration of Independence, and in doing that we desire 
to obtain all the information we can respecting each signer, in- 
cluding their place of birth and burial, etc. Those about whose 
burial places we are seeking information are the following: 

Carter Braxton, died at Richmond, Va., in 1797, and buried 
in King William Co., Va. 

Francis Light foot Lee, died January 11, 1797, on his estate at 
"Menoken" in Richmond Co., Va. Supposed to have been buried 
either there or at "Mt. Airy," the seat of the Tayloes, one of whom 
he married. 

Arthur Mid diet on* of South Carolina, died January 1, 1788, 
at his home at Ashley River. Supposed to have been buried in 
his family burial ground on his plantation. 

George Wythe, buried in Richmond Va., cemetery of St. 
John's Church, 'near the original door of the church on the west.' 

If any one can give me information as to the exact locations 
of the burial places of any of the above, they will confer a great 
favor upon me and also many others. The probabilities arc, that 
information regarding the burial place of Francis Light foot Lee 
can be obtained from contemporary letters describing his death, 
written by those present to friends or absent members of the 
family." — R. C. Ballard Thruston, Louisville, Ky. 

Peake. — "Wm. Peake, of Truro Parish, Fairfax Co.. Va- 
in his will, November 11, 1761, mentions the following children: 

John who m. Mary ; Humphrey who m. Mary and 

had issue mentioned in his will, 1784: (Wm., Henry, John, Dr. 
Humphrey, Elizabeth died single, Ann m. Francis Adams, of 

William and Mary Quarterly 295 

Mt. Gilead ; Mary who m. Abednego Adams ; Sarah who m. 
Triplett; and William (will 1755)." — Information re- 
garding the ancestors of Wm. Peake (1761) or descendants of 
the family is requested by Harold F. Crookes, 1009 S. Keniiworth 
Ave., Oak Park, 111. 

Walker — Field — Wilsox — Pescud. — "The article in the 
Quarterly under this title (Quarterly XIV'., 113) gives but 
three of the children of Henry Walker and Martha Boiling Eppes, 
daughter of Richard Eppes : Richard Henry Walker, Jane Field 
and Tabitha Boyd. There were three other children: Francis 
Eppes Walker, Ann E. Gark and Sarah Hylton Walker, which 
last married Edmund H. Vaughan of Mecklenburg Co., Va., in 
1810, as shown by the records of that county. She was my great 
grandmother, Henry Walker did not live in Petersburg, as stated, 
but in Mecklenburg Co. The will of Henry Walker was filed in 
the court house there in 1792, and the will of his wife, Martha 
Boiling Walker, in 1810. These wills name six children as above. 
Sarah Hylton Walker, one of these, married Edmund H. Vaughan 
in 1810, and they came to Tennessee when the Chickasaw Pur- 
chase was thrown open to settlement. Their eldest child, Martha 
Boiling Eppes Vaughan, married her cousin, Thomas Dickens, 
my grandfather, and th~ir son, Dr. Samuel Dickens, was my 
father."— Martha C. D. Smitfamck, 887 Washington Avenue. 
Memphis, Tennessee. 

296 William and Mary Quarterly 


The Capitol Disaster: A Chapter of Reconstruction in Virginia- By 
Hon. George L. Christian, of Richmond, Virginia, sold for the 
benefit of the Associated Charities of Richmond, Virginia, Price 
50 cents a copy. 

In this interesting pamphlet, Judge Christian, whose pen has illus- 
trated so many features of Virginia history, tells of the exciting occur- 
rences leading up to the disaster in the State Capitol, April 27, 1870. The 
Supreme Court of Appeals met to render its decision in the contested 
case for the Mayoralty of Richmond .between the military appointed 
Mayor CaJhoon, supported by the Federal Judge John C Underwood, and 
the people's elected candidate Ellyson. The sudden falling in of the 
floor of the court room precipitated a crowd of about 350 men into the 
hall of the House of Delegates below, killing sixty and wounding 251 
others. Judge Christian was among those who fell, but he was not seri- 
ously injured. In commenting upon (this chapter in reconstruction, 
marked by such an extraordinary incident, Judge Christian declares that, 
in the appointment of such an extreme and unprincipled partisan as 
Underwood to the bench, and in his sanctioning the establishment of the 
State of West Virginia, against the opinion of his own Attorney General 
that in doing so he would commit "a breach of both the Constitution 
of the State and the nation," Lincoln gave a distinct negative to the idea 
popular among a good many persons that, if he had lived, the Southern 
people would have been spared "the outrages, the trials and tortures 
of reconstruction." Indeed, it may be added that the whole idea of 
Lincoln's friendly attitude seems to spring from some cheap expressions 
uttered by him in a few of his speeches and messages, and from the c?ger 
desire of the North to convert some one on their side into a moral hero. 
after slowly realizing that old John Brown, by reason of his murderous 
character, would never be accepted as such by the world at large. Lincoln 
had plenty of opportunity to stay the hand of Sheridan in the Valley and 
Sherman in Georgia, but he never moved a finger. Had he done so. he 
would have offered a better proof of his fnnedly future attitude than 
by writing any number of catchy sentences. His policy of starving the 
South by blockade and devastation of property everywhere, of subjecting 
prisoners to humiliation by placing over them their former slaves as 
guards, of requiring the oath of allegiance of all persons of bo:h sexes 
above sixteen years of age on p-enalty of being driven from their homes. 
of treating as pirate's regularly commissioned pri^atiersmen on sea and 
regularly commissioned partisans on land, of stirring up the negroes to 

William and Mary Quarterly 297 

servile insurrection, was without doubt as extreme a policy as well 
could be. 

Aj.O how about Lincoln's proclamation of July 17, 1862, approving and 
publishing the act of Congress denouncing death or imprisonment and 
confiscation cf property on everybody in the South. Did it exactly har- 
monize with his declaration later on of "malice towards none and chanty 
for all? 

Legal Education and Admission to the Bar in the Southern States. An 
address delivered by Hon. William Minor Lile, University of Vir- 
ginia, before the Kentucky State Bar Association at Mammoth 
Cave, Kentucky, July 8, 19 14. 

In this address Dr. Lile notes the fact that out of eighty-eight law 
schools outside of the South, only five, or less than six per cent., still 
offer courses of less than three years, and four of these five are 
located in Indiana, whose constitution endows every citizen with the 
privilege of practicing law without any previous study of it. Of the thirty 
law schools in the South eighteen (or 60 per cent.) are still content 
with a two years' course or less. Dr. Lile stands for higher standards 
of admission to the bar. and for longer courses of law in college, and 
believes that the time has passed when the South might plead the usual 
excuse of poverty. The Editor concurs in all that Dr. Lile says as to the 
advantages of thorough preparation and takes exception only as to one 
statement, which, however, does not affect his argument in the slightest. 

He says: "Prior to 1850, the law school that I have the honor to 
serve (University of Virginia) was, I believe, the only law school in the 
United States." Surely, this belief as expressed is very far from a state- 
ment of the facts. Prior to 1850, there were in Virginia alone three law 
schools — that of William and Mary College, which began in 1779 and 
was realy the first in the United States and the law scnools of Judge 
Creed Taylor and Judge Henry St. George Tucker. That of William 
and Mary continued tifl 1861. In the North there was the famous law 
school at Litchfield, Connecticut, and both Harvard and Yale had law 
schools prior to 1850. There were certainly others both in the North and 
in the South, previous to that time. 

Address on the Life and Senices of General Marcus J. Wright. By 
Gen. William Ruffin Cox, delivered before R. E. Lee Camp, No. r. 
of Confederate Veterans. 

This address was made by General Cox on the occasion of the pre- 
sentation to Lee Camp of a portrait of General Wright, February 26, 1915. 
General Wright was a descendant of soldiers who served gallantly in 

298 William and Mary Quarterly 

the American Revolution and the Mexican War. He was born June 5. 
1831, at Purely, MacNairy Co., Tennessee, was educated at a classical 
school, practiced law, and, in 1861, entered the service of the Confederate 
States as lieutenant-colonel of the 154th Regiment of Tennes-^e Militia. 
He performed a gallant part, was wounded at Shiloh, and was promoted 
brigadier-general Dec. Ij, 1862- He figured bravely in the battles of 
Chickamauga and Missionary Ridge and served under General Richard 
Taylor in the last part of the war. After the surrender he returned to 
his house in Tennessee and resumed the practice of law. But General 
Wright had always a fondness for literary work, and in 1878 he was 
appointed by the Federal- government as agent for the collection of Con- 
federate archives; and in that capacity assisted immensely in the com- 
pilation of the official records of the civil war. He has written various 
historical works among which may be mentioned a Life of General Win- 
field Scott, a Life of Gov. William Blunt, and a history of MacNairy 
County, Tennessee. Though advanced in years he still enjoys much of 
his youthful vigor and enthusiasm for improving labor. 

Currency and Banking m North Carolina, 1790-1834, reprinted from His- 
torical Papers, Series X., published by the Trinity College His- 
torical Society. The Finances of the North Carolina Literary Fund, 
reprinted from the "South Atlantic Quarterly," July and October 
numbers, 1914. 

These are very interesting studies by Dr. William K. Boyd, Professor 
of History' in Trinity College, N. C. They give us much insight into the 
life of the "Old North State," and contribute to much more accurate 
views of things than has generally obtained. In accounting for emigra- 
tion from North Carolina, Dr. Boyd notices the want of adequate sea- 
ports, the existence of slavery, and the State's financial system, but he 
appears to overlook two of the most potent causes — the hostile Federal 
legislation affecting the taxes, and the great attractions afforded by the 
new lands open to the cotton industry, in the South and Southwest. There 
are abundant statistics, nevertheless, to show that North Carolina made 
great and substantial advance in population and wealth during the period 
to which he refers. Indeed, figures can be produced to show that her 
wealth increased relatively far greater in the fifty years before 1861 than 
in the fifty years after 1865; and North Carolina was comparatively free 
from devastation during the war. Is Dr. Boyd quite sure that the emigra- 
tion from North Carolina, even in the last past twenty years, has been 
relatively less than in any similar period before 1S61 ? 

William and Mary Quarterly 299 

The Various Uses of Buffalo Hair By the North American Indians; The 
Account of LatnJiatty; Research in Virginia from Tide-water to the 
Alleghanies; The Sloane Collection in the British Museum; Vir- 
ginia from Early Records; Discoveries Beyond the Appalachian 
Mountains in 1671 ; Petroglyphs Representing the Imprint of the 
Human Foot. 

These are interesting reprints from the American Anthropologist, by 
David I. Bushnell, Jr., whose work in early American antiquities, espe- 
cially relating to the American Indians, is so favorably known. The 
above monographs constitute a little library in themselves. Mr. Busline:! 
has favored the last October number of this Magazine with a very inter- 
esting article, entitled "The Indian Grave." 

Cotonial Wars in America. 

This is an address delivered before the Society of Colonial Wars in 
the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, March 13, 1913, by Hon. Xorri- 
Stanly Barratt, LL. D., Judge of The Court of Common Pleas, N'o. _\ 
First Judicia* Circuit of Pennsylvania. It may be justly characterized a> 
multum in parvo. As a summary of historical events covering many year-. 
it is a decided success. As a literary accomplishment it is chaste and 
finished. The publication itself is tastefully adorned with beautiful illus- 
trations and portraits. It seems rather in the nature of his subject that 
'judge Barratt should justify wars, though he meets with the embn: rai- 
ment of dealing with the peace-loving Quakers of Pennsylvania, who 
hated war. For this reason Pennsylvania was backward in all the colonial 
wars, including that of the Revolution. It was only in later days, after 
the peace-loving Quakers fell into a great minority, that Pennsylvania 
lost the character which modern longings, despite the great European »var. 
aims to establish for the whole world. Undoubtedly, as to the cloqreut 
writer asserts, good has resulted in the case of some wars, but it is no 
compliment to human reasoning or feelings that the same good did not re- 
sult without war. If we admit that human nature is hopelessly bad. then 
war is necessary. But the query of civilization is, why men should nut 
listen to reason and apply the necessary remedies without war. Penn- 
sylvania originally stood for this noble conception of a thinking, elevated 
humanity, and the history of the Quakers, almost proves that the Mica of 
a universal peace is not a dream. 

We notice one error in reference to Christ Church. It is stated that 
Peyton Randolph is interred in the churchyard in Philadelphia. This can 
hardly be, as he is interred in the Chapel of William and Mary College. 
with his brother John and father Sir John. 

joo William and Mary Quarterly 

i William Brank Giles: A Study in the Politics of Virginia and the Nation 

from 1790 to 1830. By Dice Robins Anderson, B. A., ML A., Ph. D., 
Professor and Head of the Department of History and Political 
Science, Richmond College, Virginia. 

Many authors of the present time, proposing to write biography, ap- 
pear to think it incumbent to write a history. The result is that their 
work is so loaded with events that the character and actions of their hero 
is generally lost in the mass of detail. This defect is largely common to 
works emanating from professors in colleges who have received spe- 
cialist^ training. They seem to forget that they are only required to 
touch upon general matters in so far as it is necessary to give a proper 
setting to the actions of the subject of their memoir. A biography of 
a man is nothing more than than a painting in writing, and it is just a* 
ridiculous to crowd a biography with details of history as it is to crowd 
a painting, purporting to be a portrait, with extensive landscapes and 
other things. They distract the mind and defeat the end proposed. 

Dr. Anderson, though apparently announcing a biography, is careful 
to state that it is after all "a study in politics." In this he shows excel- 
lent good sense. His work is a history and in no wise a biography, and 
should not be so viewed. While it, therefore, can never be a popular work 
and lacks the personal interest attaching to a model biography, it makes 
up for it in the information which it affords to the student of history as 
to current affairs. The title of this work might have been more appro- 
priately reversed and written. "A Study in Virginia • Politics, &c, with 
William B. Giles as the connecting thread." 

However that may be, Dr. Anderson gives us a mass of valuable 
material, which he has dug up out of many forgotten sources. He has 
shown great industry and research. In so far as this* material bears upon 
the relations of the North and South, it merely emphasizes the contradic- 
tion involved in the Union as it existed before 186 1. There were two 
nations, not one, and the South, being the smaller of the ( two, was a 
victim to the desires of the other for aggrandizement. The greatest won- 
der is that the old Union endured as long as it did. The laws wh:ch 
were good for the North were ruinous to the slave-holding South, and 
the Union being founded in contradiction had really no logical ground 
for existence, economic, political or otherwise. In his earlier and latter 
•days, Giles seems to feel very keenly the force of these facts, but tied 
up as he and the other Southern men were in the meshes of the Union, 
he did not always see clearly the causes nor the only solution of the 
difficulties as presented in secession. He preferred to temporize rather 
than to act, and action came too late; but it is idle for Dr. Anderson to 
say that the resolutions of '98 and '99, which found in Giles such a strong 

William and Mary Quarterly 301 

supporter, did not convey the -notion of a dissolution of the Uni^", when- 
ever the proper occasion should present itself. Its language meant that 
or it me?nt nothing at all. 

.So m the same way, Dr. Anderson, following Northern example, 
speaks of the "curse of slavery," and leaves unconsidered the much 
greater calamity of a negro population. The war of 1861-1865 did away 
with slavery, but left the terrible legacy of an unassimilablc alien race. 

Why does not some one give a candid review of the conditions of 
the Union since the conquest iof the South and the overthrow of slavery? 
The direct effects of the war between the States ought to have passed 
away by this time, -but only a general knowledge of statistics is sufficient 
to convince one that the old South was stronger relatively, Doth materially 
and financially, than the new South. ;At the present, day, the single 
State of Massachusetts has more wealth than all the new South put to- 
gether, if we leave out of the count the State of Texas. 

Now, while slavery cannot be justified on moral grounds, this is far 
from asserting that in the presence of two contradictory races, mere per- 
sonal freedom must bring greater results than the organized control of 
one race by the others. We see what organization has done for Germany, 
despite the lack of personal liberty, and it is not at aJl clear that the 
South, independent, under laws suited to its own conditions, and with 
slavery abolished, would not be a far more prosperous community than 
under the present conditions of free impossible races and subjection 
to the will of the Northern States. It is a curious fact'that in the great 
war between the States all the real great moral military heroes were on 
} the Southern side, and this fact is now generally recognized. 

I am glad to see that Dr. Anderson avoids the deetestable fault com- 
mon to so many writers of referring to eminent men in disrespectful 
terms. Such references are neither dignified nor illuminating. There is 
one term, however, which he occasionally uses, that I wish he might be 
persuaded to drop, and that is the word "particularistic" to describe 
the statesrights school. This term in this sense is a newly coined 
affair and ought to have no place in any dictionary ; for it is on the same 
plane with "uplift" and other modern verbal monstrosities. 




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Baldwin, Bird T., on the Honor System, 

Ball, Spencer, Children of, 269. 
Beckwith, Sir Marmaduke, 259. 
Benton, Thomas H., Death of, 33. 
Boiling Note, 145. 

Book Reviews, 147-150. 222, 224, 296-301. 
Bosetey Family, 63-66. 
Brown, Governor, Retaliation of, on 

New York, 154. 
Buffalo Hair, Indian Use of, 299. 
Burial Places, 294. 
Capitol Disaster, The, 290. 
Cargill Family, 144, 145- 
Clark, Henry St. John, Family 

Record of, 49-50. 
Clay, Henry, Political Views of, 1-5. 
Cole, Arthur Charies, 1-5. 
Colonial Wars, 299. 
Confederate Commissioners, Mason and 

Slidell, 157-159. 
Confederate Prisoners at Camp Douglas, 


Copley- Pelham Letters, 222. 

Crook Family, 59-61. 

Custis, William, Will of, 127-130. 

Dawson Family, 67. 

DeBow and Ruffin, 257. 

Democracy in Virginia, 227. 

Dinwiddie County Records, 214-218. 

Douglas, Stephen A., Death of, 155. 

Eldridge Family, 145. 146. 

England's Policy in i86i-'65, 166-167. 

England, Difficulties with, 161-165. 

F. F. V.'s. of Virginia, 270. 

Federals in Kentucky, 34-36. 

Federal Enlistments, 37-38; Devastation, 
36, 33. 166. 

Fishback Family, 222. 

Gardner, Walter C, 70. 

Georgia, Case of the, 31, 32. 

Giles, William Branch, Life of, 300. 

Gooch. Will of Lady Rebecca, 173-175. 

Germans in Virginia, 222. 

Greenhow, James, 70. 

Hall, Jacob, Letters to, 46-47. 

Hall, Thomas, Tombstone of, 48, 

Hanover County Records, 21-31. 

Hardwick, Kincheloe. McCarty. Mc- 
Conathy, Crook, Dawson, Law- 
son and Related Famiues, 59-69. 

Harratt Family, 69. 

Hatton and Johnson Families, 113-117. 
Historical and Genealogical Notes, 

70-71. 143-146, 220-221, 294-295. 
Hobson Family, 186. 
Honor System in American Colleges, 

Houston, Sam, Described by Ruffin. 250. 

Hull Family, 188-191. 

Hunter, R. M. T„ Described by Ruffin, 

Indian Grant, The, 106-113. 

Jefferson Family of Pittsylvania, 

Jones, Mr. Robert, of Fleet's Bay, 191- 
192, 261-271. 

Johnson Family, 113-1 17. 

Kentucky, Federals in, 34-35. 

Law Schools, 297. 

Lawson Family, 67-69. ' 

Leftwich Note, 220. 

Letters: Dr. Samuel Fin ley to Jacob 
Hall, 46; Armistead Thomson Ma- 
son to John Thomson Mason, 228- 
231, 232-239; Armistead Thomson 
Mason to William S. Archer. 231; 
Beckwith, Sir Marmaduke, written 
to Col. Thomas Jones. 259-260; Col. 
Thomas Jones's reply, 260; Judge St. 
George Tucker to Rev. John 
Bracken, 279; Rev. John Bracken's 
reply, 279; Henry St. Geo. Tucker 
to his father, 280; Lillia Skipwith to 
Mrs. Ravenscroft, 281. 2S2 ; Edw. F. 
Tayloe to Gov. T. W. Gilmer. 283; 
Letter to Mr. M. J. Sn;ead. 285; 
Cynthia B. T. Washington to Law- 
rence Washington. 236-283 ; Robert 
C. Winthrop to John Tyler. 2H8; 
James Buchanan to John Tyler. 280 ; 
J. M. Mason to John Tyler, 289-290 ; 
Gen. Joseph H Johnston to Ben- 
jamin S. Ewell. 291. 

Lincoln. War Policy of, 33. 34; Assassi- 
nation of, 39-41. 

Mann. A. Dudley and Ruffin, 251. 25S. 

Mason, Armistead Thomson, Letters 
of, 228. 239. 

Maxwell, William, Sketched by Ruffin, 

McCarthy Family. 59. 

McConathy Family, 6 1 -63. 

McClellan, George, Ability as a General 


McCullocIi, Major Ben, Described by 

Ruffin, 252. 
Middle Plantation Pole. 10. 
Miscegenation in the North, 167, 168. 
Moody, Mildred, 71. 


Nevett Family, 66. 

New England, Aristocracy in, 227, 228. 

Norfolk Library, 70. 

North Carolina, Currency and Banking 

in, 298. 
Northampton County, Courthouse of, 


Northern Democracy. 2, 3. 

Northumberland County Families, 

Old Pronunciation, 126. 

Painters in Virginia, 220. 

Peake, Will of Sir Robert, 175-178. 

Planter's, The, Pride in His Slaves, 
225, 226. 

Presley Family, 184-186. 

Priorities, A Table of, 203. 

Prisoners in Southern Prisons, Treat- 
ment of, 4i-43'» 169-171. 219. 

Pryor, William, Will of, 12-13; 206-207. 

Queries, 70, 71, 143. 144, 220-294. 

Reese Family, 145. 

Ruffin, Edmund, Dl\ry of, 31-45, 154- 
171, 240-258. 

Schrever Family, 187-188. 

Secession, Growth of, 155. 

Sheild Family Addenda. 131-132. 

Seward, William H., and the Ladies of 

England, 169-171. 
Smiths, Two John, 292-293. 
Spicy Correspondence, 259-260. 
Stevenson, Andrew, 248. 
Stith Note, 221. 

Storm, The Great, of 1857, 240-248. 
Strother Note, 143. 
Thanksgiving Day and Christmas, 

Thornton Addenda, 131, 132. 
Tucker, N. B., on Honor System, 79. 
Tyler's, John, Pride in His Slaves, 222, 

Virginia Farmer, The, 172, 173. 
Walker Family, Note on. 295. 
Washington, Who Was Elizabeth? 

Whig Party in the South, 1-5. 
William and Mary College: Priorities 

of, 203. 
A Grammar School at. 278-280. 
Burning of, in 1859. 286-2S9. 
Williamsburg, Taxable Values in, 133- 

Wright Marcus J., 297, 298. 
York County, Notes from the Records 

of, 10-20, 204-213. 


Abcii, 153- 

Abtugdon Parish, 50. 

Acre*. 28, 118. 

Adams, 2, 3, 4, & 59. 118, 144, 169, 170, 

227. 239, 294, 295. 
Adison, 274. 
Albemarle Parish Register, 26, 144, 145* 

Aldridge, 218. 
Alexander, 68, 175. 

Allen. 13, 20, 61, 117, 124, 181, 207, 272. 
Allerton, 277. 
Alison, 133. 
Ambler, III. 
Anderson, 14, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 29, 30, 

69, H7, "9. 122, 123, 124, 126, 133, 

208, 300, 301. 
Andrews, 133. 215. 
Anthony, 22, 114, 124. 
Archer, 214, 216, 231. 
Argyle, 223. 
Arlington, 178. 
Armistead, 215, 277, 293. 
Armstrong, 22. 
Arnold, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 90. 
Arthur's Choice, 64, 65. 
Ashly, 70, 
AshBeld, 10, 204. 
Ashley, 199. 
Athanes, 175. 
Atkins, 193, 196. 
Atkinson, 56, 123, 216. 
Austin, 22, 25. 26, 120, 122, 125, 126. 
Avery, 144, 
Aylett, 132. 

Bacon, 145, 176, 177, 178. 
Bacon's Rebellion, 184, 185. 
Bagley, 29. 
Baker, 30, 134, 269. 
Balcaran, 89. 
Baldwin, 6, 224 
Baldrey. 275, 276. 
Ball, 182, 192, 195, 199. 264, 265, 268, 

269, 270. 
Ballard, 210, 277. 
Baltimore. Lord. 182. 
Barber. 116. 219. 
Bancroft, 41. 
Barker, 59, 122, 125. 
Barney, 65. 
Bamhouse, 19, 213. 
Barradall, 293. 

Barraud, 70, 133. 

Barratt, 299, 

Barrett, 30. 

Barrom, 133. 

Bash ford, 269. 

Bassett, 19, 177, 178, 213, 220, 227. 

Baltaile, 21. 

Baughan, 26. 

Baxter, 133. 

Bayley, 194. 

Beale, 10, 204, 277. 

"Bear Garden," 117. 

Beatty, 61. 

Beaver Dam Creek, 123. 

Beck with, 259, 260. 

Bell, 36, 145, 100, 262, 269. 

Bennett, 12, 21, 67, 113, 2c6. 

Bentley, 133- 

Benton, 33, 251. 

Berkeley, 13, 14, 16, 17, 19, M& 184, 207, 

208, 210, 212, 242. 
Bernard, 275, 292, 293. 
Berry, 62, 265. 
Bethel, 156. 

Beverley, 202, 277, 292. 
Bingham, 119. 
Bingley, 134. 
Binns, 144. 
Blackiston, 114. 
Blackley. 273. 

Blackwell, 16, 25, 26, 118, 123, 210. 
Blair, 121, 133, 277. 
Bland, 133, 216, 277. 
Blanks, 145. 
Blunt. 298. 
Board, 61. 
Bobby, 120. 
Boisseau, 215, 216. 
Boiling, 145, 281. 
Bond, 65, 66, 134, 263. 
Bose. 120. 
Boseley, 63-66. 
Boseley's Expectation, 64. 
805616/3 Palace, 64, 65. 
Boswell 117. 
Botetourt Lord, 71, 203. 
Bolt 217. 

Bottom's Bridge, 122. 
Booth (Bouth), 13, 19, 207. 212. 213, 219. 
Boulware. 249, 252, 253, 254, 256. 
Bow do in. 27. 
Bo we, 122. 



Bowles, 23, 25, 29. 

Boyd, 295, 298. 

Boyle, 143- 

Bracken, 278, 279, 280. 

Bracken ridge, 29. 

Braddan. 52. 

Braddock, 76, 87, 88. 

Bradshaw, 15, 209. 

Brandenburg, 61. 

Brandon, 166, 167. 

Braser, 274. 

Braxton, 294. 

Bray, 277. 

Brent, 271. 

Bremo (Bremore), 11, 205, 274. 

Brereton, 189, 194, 195, 263. 

Bridges, 63, 277. 

Briggs, 215, 216. 

Brien, 124. 

Bristol Parish Reg., 145, 146, 281. 

Broadnax, 216. 

Brocas, 13, 207. * 

Brock, 274. 

Brockenbrough, 131, 132. 

Brooke, 15, 114, 209. 

Brookes, 217. 

Broughton, 276. 

Brown (Browne), 15, 123, 154, 209, 249, 

Bruce, 72, 126, 202, 261, 263, 268, 285. 
Bruton Church, 174, 222, 279. 
Bryan, 274. 
Bryant, 133. 

Buchanan, 4, 254, 258, 289. 
Buck, 66. 
Bull 65. 
Bullock, 123. . 
Burch, 180. 

Burgoyne, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 105. 
Burnham, II, 14, 18, 19, 205, 208, 212. 
Burkett, 117. 
Burnley, 122, 262. 
Burnett, 25, 28. 
Burrowes, 198. 
Burton, 129. 
Burrell, 19, 27, 76, 122, 133, 177, 213, 

217, 228, 276, 277: 
Bushnell, 112, 299. 
Bushrode, 17, 210. 
Butler. 23, 87, 117, 122, 123, 125. 254. 
Byrd. 277. 
Cabell, 281. 
Caldwell 285. 
Calhoon, 296. 
Callahan, 127. 
Calloway, 68, 69. 
Calthropp, 10, 204, 273. 
Calvert 182. 
Camden Parish, 181. 

Campbell, 46, 135. 

Camp Douglas, 159. 

Capill, 56. 

Capitol, The, 296. 

Cardwell 216. 

Cargill, 143, 144, 145. 

Carleton, 82, 85. 

Carmichael, 285. 

Carnegie, 204. 

Carney, 194. 

Carr, 185. 

Carrington, 223. 

Carter, 117, 134, 177, 187, 194, 195- 198, 

202, 221, 228, 262, 266, 277, 2S1. 
Cary, 135, W, 178, 277. 
Cass, 256, 257. 
Castlen, 118. 
Cawthorn, 23. 
Cedar Creek, 22, 24, 26. 
Chambers, 61, 274. 
Chapel, 28. 
Chap in, 39. 
Chapman, 125. 
Charlton, 135. 
Chew, 14, 17, 19, 208, 2io, 212, 275, 276, 

Cherokee Indians, 95. 
Chickacoans, 182, 183. 
Chickawane, 183. 
Chicks, 22. 
Chinn, 68. 
Chiskiack, 68. 

Chisman. 17, 210, 273, 274. 278. 
Chistecuttewaws, 194. 
Christian, 117, 223, 224, 226.. 
Churchill 277. 

Claiborne, 113, 182, 216, 217, 277. 
Clarke (Clark), 26, 27, ^8, 49-50, 149, 295. 
Clarkson, 17, 210. 
Claughton, 192. 

Clay, 24, 124, 125, 214, 217, 233, 236, 230, 
Clayton, 12. 13, 14, 23, 206, 207. 
Clement, 181. 
Cleveland, 98. 
Clough, 26. 
Claussell, 276. 
Cobham Parish, 173, 174, 
Cobb, 58. 256. 
"Cobbs Hall" 100. 
Cocke (Cock), 23, 25, 69, 134. 
Cochran, 21. 
Codd, 195. 
Coke, 134, 203. 
Ccle. 1, 2, 3, 4. 5, 65, 66, 277. 
Coleburn, 129. 
Coleman. 2, 23, 221, 286. 
Collier, 214. 
Coles, 281. 
Connaway, 19, 212. 


Cbnally, 218. 

Conness, 131. 

Conway, 115. 

Coplc Parish, 115. 

Copley, 222. 

Coolc, 67. 

Cooper, 20, 272. 

Corbin, 66, 230, 277. 

Cornwallis, 49, 92, 93* 97. 98, 100, 

103, 104. 
Corotoman, 197. 

Cossens, 192, 193, 195, 196, 197, 201, 
Cottrell, 262, 263. 
Couch, 134. 

Coutanceau, 198, 200, 202. 
Cox, 185, 202, 245, 297. 
Craig. 62, 134. 
Cralle, 189, 190, 269, 270. 
Cranford, 239 

Craney Island, 228, 229, 230. 
Cranford, 3. 
Crawley, 134. 
Crenshaw, 22, 24, 26. 
Crittenden, 290. 
Crocker, 224, 295. . 
Crook (Crooke), 59-70. 
Crooks, 295. 

Cross, 21, 24, 30, 117, 122. 
Crouch, 274. 
Crowingshield, 239. 
Crump, 134. 
Culpeper, Lord, 259. 
Cumming, 149. 
Curie, 216, 217. 
Curtis, 179, 198, 200. 
Cushing, 5. 

Custis, 25, 52, 54, 127-129, 178, 220, 
Dabney, 217. 
Dacier, 281. 
Dade, 292, 293. 
Daingerfield, 215. 
Dale Parish, 173. 
Dallas, 59, 28^ 284. 
Dameron, 191, 271. 
Dandridge, 117, 122, 123. 
DapnelL 65. 
Darden, 271. 

Darnell (Darnall), 6i, 114. 
Davidson, 96. 

Davis, 23, 63, 77, u> 122, 125, 135, 
214, 276. 

Dawson, 59-70, 147, 148, 277. 
Deacon. 11, 15, 205, 208, 209. 
Dean (Deane), 135, 282. 
DeBow. 255, 257. 
Deerington, 192. 
DeFoe. 170. 
Degges (Digges), 29. 135, 277. 




Dejamette, 29. 
Deloraine, Lady, 222. 
Dennett, 219. 

D.ennis, 187. 

Dent, 113. 

Derrickson, 10, 11, 15, 204, 205, 209. 

Didbal, 27. 

Dickens, 295. 

Dickerson, 118. 

Dickinson, 112. 

Dickson, 135. 

Diilo, 61. 

Dimmer, 119. 

Dinmore, 118. 

Disney, 131. 

Dixon, 135. 

Dobbs, 277. 

Doggitt, 198. 

Douglas, 71. 155. 159, 290. 

Downing, LIS, 200. {] , .... 

Draper, 134. ^"^^-^ 

Drewitz, 134. 

Drummond, 134. 

Dudley, 29, 134. 

Dulaney, 64 68, 69. 

Dun lop, 220. 

Dunmore, Lord, 77. 

Dunn, 245. 

Dunning, 276. 

Durand, 220. 

Durrell, 215. 

Duvalt 27. 

Early, 36, 221. 

"Eastern, Great," 251. 

Eaton, 12, 206. 

Eckenrode, 60. 

Edmunds, 143. 215, 218. 221. 

Edwards, 15. 73, 143, 209. 

Eggleston, 124. 

Eld red, 20, 272. 

Eldridge, 143-144, 221. 

Elmore, 29. 

Elliott, 2Z. 

Ellison, 14, 208. 

Eitham, 125. 

Ellyson, 296. 

English. 277. 

Eppes (Epes), 216. 217. 277, 295. 

Eskridge, 259. 260. 

Eustace, 190. 200, 263, 266. 267, 269. 

Evans, 71. 

Ewell. 291. 

Ewing, 37. 

Faber, 220, 281. 

Fagan, 180. 

Fairfax. 277. 

Fawdon. 177. 

Farmer, 119. 

Farquharson, 135. 


Farrar, 277- 

Farrow, 30. 

Fearn, 187. 

Ferguson (Fergusson), 98, 174, *75- 

Floyd (Floyd), 209, 256. 

Field, 295. 

Fielding, 191, 192, 194, 199- 

Fields, 174- 

Fin ley, 46, 47- 

Finnie, 135. 

Fishback, 222, 223. 

Fisher, 251, 252, 254, 256. 

Fitzgerald, 24, 26, 135. 

Fitch, Patrick, 122. 

Fitzhugh, 131, 19S, 2or, 277. 

Fleece, 66. 

Fleet, 118, 186, 261. 

Fletcher, 233, 236. 

Fioyd, 16, 56. 

Flood, 179. 

Flone, 179. m 

Fiynt, 20a 

Fontaine, 29. - 

Ford, 179. 

Forrest, 37. 

Forsythe, 283, 284. 

Fortin, 23. 

Foster, 46, 178, 216, 217. 

Fouace, 26. 

"Four Mile Tree," 277. 

Fowlkes, 117. 

Fox (Foxe), 15, 27, 123, 124, 189, 191 

Foxcraft, 52. 
Francis, 193, 199. 
Fraxier, 89. 
Freeman, 87, 90. 
French, 178. 
Frisby, 59. 
Gaiey, 68. 
Gait, 135. 
Garden, 124. 
Gardiner, 70-71, 114. 
Gardner. 114. 117. 
Garland, 23, 25. 

Garlington, 108, 264. 265, 268, 269, 270. 
Garnett, 254. 
v Garrett, 63. 
Garsuch, 66. 
Garth, 70. 
Gary, 214, 216. 
Gaskins, 187, 189, 190, 202. 
-Gates, 86, 87, 88, 90, 92. 220. 
Gate wood, 112. 
Gathright, 118. 
Gaylard, 195. 
Geddy, 136, 215. 
Gerard, 114, 115. 
Gervts, 120. 

Gibson, 19, 28, 63, 213, 293- 

Gipson, 25. 

Giddings, 271. 

Giles, 285, 300. 

Gilmer, 283, 284. 

Gist, 30. 

Glazebrook, 117. 

Glebe, The, 29, 30, 241, 244. 
( Glenn, 22, 122. 

Glinn, 23. 

Glov^V 10, 204, 205. 

Gooch, 173-175. 265, 277. 

Godwin. 53, 54. 

Goodwyn, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218. 

Goode, 252, 254. 

Gold Mine Parish, 71. 

Gordon, 223, 282. 

Graham, 136, 235. 

Grammar, 131. 

Grammar School, 8, 278, 279. 

Grannell, 115. 

Grant, 31, 38, 72. 

.Craves, 50. 

Gregory, 217. 

Greyes, 25. 

Greene, 22, 25, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 103. 
104, 281. 

Greenhow, 70, 136. 

Greenway, 217, 218. 

Gresham, 202. 

Griffin, 136, 185, 195. 

Griffith, 21, 293. 

Grigs by. 24. 

Grindall's Shoals, 98. 

Grundy, 60. 

Gruver, 67. 

Grymes, 28, 277. 

Guilford Court House, 103, 104. 

Gwinn, 273. 

Hack, 189, 222. 

Hadmungton, 65. 

Haeger, 222. 
^"Haines, 21. 

Haldane, 97. 

Haley, 213. 

Hall. 27, 46-49. 

Ha Heck, 39. 

Hallingser, 118. 

Hambleton, 199. 

Hamilton, 2, 3, 90, 150. 

Hamor, 275. 

Hammond, 96. 

Hampton. 11, 205, 228. 

Hampton Parish. 116. 273. 

Hams ley, 27. 

Hanbury, 174, 175. 

Hanes. 26. 

Hannah's Cowpens, 98. 

Hansford, 19, 213. 


Hanson, 113, 114, "5- 
Harache, 174. 

Hardaway, 217, 218. ■ 
Hardin, 88. 
1 Hard wick, 59-70. __ 

J Hardy, 14, 2u8. 
Hare, 62, 63. 
Hareot, 64. 
Hargravc, 218. 
Harmanson, 222. 
Harmon, 218. 
Hart, 220. 
Hartman, 172. 
Hartwell, 11, 145, 205, 275. 
Harratt (Harriott), 60, 67, 68, 69. 
Harris, 24, 26, 28, III, 123, 124, 189, 195, 

200, 201. 
Harrison, 4, 12, 13, 14, 20, 144, 172, 176, 

206, 207, 224, 272, 275, 277, 284. 
Harwell, 205, 214, 275. 
Harrwod (Harwood), 10, 11, 12, 13, 

14, 136, 204, 205, 206, 207, 275, 278. 
Hatton, 1 13- 1 17, 136. 
Hawes, 124. 

Hawkins, 15, 17, 148, 209, 210, 218. 
Haxham, 27. 
Hayden, Virginia Genealogies, J 15, 190, 

192, 269, 293. 
[ayes, 192. 
'Haynes (Haines), 192, 195, 196, 198, 200, 

201, 202. 
Haynie, 195, 199, 200, 201, 271. 
Heard, 232. 
Heath, 15, 115, 187, 188, 209, 262, 264. 

Heckman, 199. 
Helm, 65. 
Henderson, 22. 
Hendrick, 26. 
Hennett, io, 204. 
Henry, 23, 26, 27, 62, 224. 
Hensey, 64. 
Henson,' 114, 119. 
Heron, 281, 282. 
Herrington, 68. 
Hewes (Hues), 192, 196. 
Heyward, 10, 204. 
Hickman, 27. 
Hide, 175, 176. 
Higginson, 10, 16. 204. 
Hill, 27, 114, 214, 216. 
Hines, 22, 216. 
Hinton, 215, 216. 
Hobson, 185, 186-187, 193. I94> 198, 109. 

,Hockaday, 13, 15, 207, 209. 
Hog (Hogg), 30, 125. 
Hogan. 225, 226. 
Holding, 16. -210. 


Holford, 221. 

Holland, 193. 

Holman, 69, 193. 

Holmes, 137. 

Holleyman, 63. 

Holloway, 131. 

Holt, 137. 

Honey, 136. 

Honiwood, 176, 177, 178. 

Honnor, The, 13. 

Hood, 43. 

Hooe, 26. 

Hooper, 27, 30. 

Hope, 127, 128. 

Hopkins, 30, 273. 

Hopkinson. 220. 

"Homes, The," 53, 54, 55, 57. 

Hornsby, 136. 

House of Burgesses, 145, 183, 186, 190, 

House of Commons, 89. 
Houston, 250. 251. 
Howard, 61, 101, 102. 
Howe, 77, 90, 91. 
Howell, 59. 
Howson, 56, 262. 
Hubard, 137. 
Hudson, 125, 216, 217. 
Hughes, 123, 124, 193, 195, 197, 199. 
Hughlett, 264. 
Hull, 187, 188-191. 
Hume, 71. 
Hundley, 21, 68. 
Hungar's Bridge, 55. 
Hunsdon, 178. 
Hunt, 11, 205. 

Hunter, 136, 252, 253, 254, 255. 
Hunting Creek, 115. 
Hutchinson, 137. 
Iaran, 137. 
Indian John, 266. 
Ingram, 262, 269. 
Innis, 137. 
Irving, 214. 

Ironmonger, 192, 193, 195, 196. 
Jackson, 2, 3, 5, 14, 19, 163, 164, 202, 208, 

212, 213, 215, 249, 250, 258. 
Jacobs, 147. 
James, 70, 221. 
Jameson, 262. 

Jamestown, 106, 148, 182, 183. , 

Jauncey, 192, 195, 196, 200. 201. 
Jeanes, 52. 
Jefferson, 8, 107, 109, no, in, 181-182, 

227, 278. 
Jeffrey, 265. 
Jenkins, 60. 
Jennings, 277. 
Joanes, 52. 



— Jones. 28, 29, 59. 65, 124, 144. 145. 147, 
173, 191, 203, 214, 216, 217, 22i f 259, 

260, 261-272, 291. 

Johnson, 19. 22, 27, 3L 4L 57. 5^, 71, 
104, 113. 130, 212, 217, 233, 236, 254, 

261. 262, 275. 
Johnston, 220, 221, 291. 
Jordan, 27, 180. 
Juxon, 219. 

Keach, 191. 

Kearsage, The. 147. 

Keaser r 23. 

Keeble, 49. 50. 

Keeling, 29. 

Keith, 59-70, 176. 

Kellaway, 18, 211. 

Kelley, 66. 

Kempe, 12, 16, 19, 206, 210, 212, 277. 

Kemper, 50, 222, 223. 

Kendall, 54. 

Kenner, 189, 201. 

Kenney, 66. 

Kerton, 12, 206. 

Key. 275. 

Kidd, 28, 66. 

Kilby, 25. 

Kincheloe, 59-70. 

King, 23, 24, 26, 28, 217, 218. 
- King David, The, 276. 

Kingsmill, 177. 

"Kings Mountain," 180. 

Knight, 201, 224, 276. 

Lacy, 123. 

LaFayette, 91. 

J-afong 137. 

Lamb, 83, 217. 

Lambert, . 192, 195, 201. 

Lampkin, 262, 269. 

Lane, 122. 

Lanier, 178-181, 201, 217. 

Larrows, 119. 

Latch ford, 115. 

Lavely, 124. 

Law, 68, 223. 

Lawson, 46,, 59-70, 187. 

««. 16, 19, 53. 143. 156. 163. 187. 188, 
100, 195. 196. 198, 200. 202, 220, 261, 
262, 263, 266, 267. 269. 270, 273. 27s 

t ?*k 2y ^ 2 ° 7 ' 
Lees Parish, 199, 200. 

Lefebre. -283. 

Leftwich, 220, 221. 

Lemay, 124. 

Lenox, 137. 

Leslie, 97. 

Utters and Times of Txlers" 5. 

Lewis 11, 30, 71, 137. 174." 205. 26. 

Libby Prison, 43, 45. 

Lightfeot. 277. 


Lile, 297. 

Lluellen, 192. 

Lincoln, 3, 31, 33, 35, 36. 37, fr 39. 40 

41. 147, 155. 158. 159. 163, 169, 170, 

296, 297. 
Linsey, 17, 210. 
Lipscomb, 26, 28, 122. 
Lister, 201. 

Literary Messenger, 155. 
Littlepage, 22, 23, 24, 26, 121. 
Littleton, 277. 
Logan, 69, 77. 
Longstreet, 23. 
Low, 137, 
Lowndes, 239. 
Lowry, 17, 210. 
"Ludwell, 277. 
Ludlow, 16, 17, 210, 275. 
Lumpkin, 26. 
Lundie, 221. 

Lyddall 175. 176, 177. 178. 
Lyle, 26. 

Lyons, 30, 117, 124. 
Lyster, 198. 
Maccaulay, 168. 
Machoatique Creeke, 193. 
Machump Creek, 25, 117, 125. 
Mack Ghee, 30. 
Macon, 26, 123, 125. 
Madison, 138. 239. 
Maggett, 19, 213. 
Main waring, 22. 
Majors, 65. 
Mann, 251, 258. 
Manson, 119, 215. 
Mansfield, 29. 
Many, 138. 
Marion, 97. 
Marks, 120, 121, 245. 
Marr, 138. 
Marsh, 66. 
Marshall 57, 58. 
Martian, n, 14, 16, 205, 210, 276. 
Martin, 23, 52, 62, 138. 
Marxton, 21. 
Massenburg, 138, 144. 
Massie, 119. 

Mason, 161. 228. 239, 251. 200. 
Matedequin Creek. 25, 123. 124. 
Mathews (Mathew), 53, 184, 277. 
Maury, 253. 
Maxwell, 61, 248. 
May. 68. 
Mayner, 68. 
McArthur. 97. 
McCarty, 59-70 138. - 
McCaw, 285. 
McChester. 129. 
McCIellan. 156. 




McClough, 22. 

McConaltry, 59-70. 

McConnell, 62. 

MeCullock, 251. 

McClurg, 137. 278. 

McDonald, 214. 

McDougall, 25, 118. 

McDowell 49- 

Mcllwaine, 142. 

McKee, 50. 

McKinley, 22. 

McPherson, 46. 

McRae, 219. 

McRobert, 172, 173. 

Meade, "Old Churches and Families/' 
187. 188. 

Meche, 54. 

Meed, 26. 

"Mencken," 294. 

Mercer, 232. 

Merriman (Merryman), 204, 209, 274. 

Meriwether. 117, 122, 125, 147, 259. 

Merry Oaks, 122. 

Merrydeth, 65. 

Meux, 27, 122, 123. 

Michie, 148. 

Middleton, 294. 

Mileston, 118. 
. Miller, 115, 187, 274, 281, 282. 

Mills. 26, 30, 33. 
^Mitchell, 63, 132. 

Moody, 71, 125, 138, 218. 

Moir, 138. 
/ Monroe, 234, 235, 239. 

Mon tgomery, 8t, 82, 84. 

Monticello. 107. 

Moore, 254. 

Moorman, 107, no, 221. 

Morgan, 46. 73-io6, 130, 147, 148. 154. 

, 195- 

Morris, 26, 65, 66, 216, 220. 

Morrison, 132, 172, 276. 

Morrow, 69. 

Morton, 138. 

Mottrom, 182, 268. 

"Mount Airy." 283, 294. 

Mount Vernon, 220. 

Moyer. 137. 

Mulberry Island. 293. 

Murray, 281, 282. 

Nash, 23. 

Neale, 185. 

Necostan Indians, 184. 

Needham. 143. 

Neilt 180. 

Nelms. 265. 

Nelson. 29. 30. 123, 138. 277. 

New Poquosin Pish. 274. 

New England Hist and Gen. Register, 

176, 180. 
Nettmaker, 17, 18, 210, 211. 
Ncvitt, 66, 67. 
Newton, 115, 293. 
Newman, 132. 217. 
Nicholas, 216. 
Nicholson, 138, 143. 
Nicklers, 202. 
Noel, 21. 

Northern Neck, 185. 
"Northumberland House," 185. 
Nottingham, 55, 71. 
"Offutt," 71. 
Ogee, 222, 283. 
Oldham, 265, 293, 
Oliver, 25, 28, 29, 122, 124. 
Orasonay, 194. 
Orear,, 63, 67. 
Orr, 139. 
Overton, 126. 
Owen, 24, 118. 195 
Oxford. Lord, 184. 
Page, 28, 277. 
Paine. 34 35- 

Palmerston, Lord, 160, 169, 257. 
Pamphlet 149. 
Parish (Parrish), 65, 66. 
Parish of Bartholomew. 274. 
Parish of Great Wycomico, 187. 
Parke, 277. 
Parker, 52, 117, 188. 
Parkinson. 218. 
Parlotte, 66. 
Parmer, 118. 
Parrett, 276. 
Pasteur, 139. 
Pate, 24, 25, 117. 
Patterson, 285. 
Payne, 30, 119, 267. 
Payton, 106. 
Peachy, 267. 
Peake, 175-178, 294-295. 
Pearce, 59. — 
Pearson, 118, 139. 
Peewanrs. 197. 
Pegram, 214, 215. 
Pelham. 222. 
Pemberton. 20. 
Penick, 26. 
Peniston, 62. 
Penning, 59. 
Penny. 29, 117, 123. 
Penryn, ,116. 
Percy. 151.— 
Perry, 66. 139, 277. 
Pescud. 295. 
Peters. 132. 
Petters (Pettus). 17. 19, 116, 212. 



Pettross, 22. 

Pettypock, 214, 215, 217. 

,Pbi Beta Kappa, 223. 
./Philips (Phillips), 89, 97. 168. 
Pickens, 96, 256. 

Pickering, 199. 261. 

Pierce, 8^118,^139^ 

Pinckney, 71 • 

Pine, 22a 

Pinkard, 189, 190, 202, 261, 262, 266, 

Pinor, 272, 273. 

Pipcn Tree Road, 118. 

Pitt, 139- 

Plite, 139- 

Pocahontas, 292. 

Pole, 57- 
/ Pollard, 22, 23, 72, 120, 123. 

Pontiac 85. 

Pope, 66, 139. 

Poplar Hill Hundred, 114, 115. 

Poquosin, 27y. 

Porteus, 195. 

Powell, 11, 56, 88, 205. 

Power (Powers), 24, 131. 

Powhatan, 106, 283, 292. 

Poythress, 183, 184. 

Price, 37, 114. 273- 

Prentis, 139. 

Presley, 183, 184-186, 189. 

"Preslwould," 281. 

Price, 37 , 114. 

Priddy, 26, 28, 117. 

Prosser, 218. 

Pryor, 11, 12, 13, 14, 119. 205, 206, 207, 

208, 230, 275. 
Purtbn, 292. 
Puryear, 26. 
Putnam, 86, 90. 
Quelle. 270. 

Queen's Bangers, 281, 2Z2. 
Rabishaw, 55, 56, 57. 
Radford, 121, 
Ragland, 23, 24, 119. 
Randolph, 220, 228. 277, 279, 287, 299. 
"Rasberry Plain,*' 231. 
Raven, 60. 

Ravenscroft, 281, 282. 
Readville, 139. 
Red Lyon, Ye, 193. 
Reese, 145, 146. 
Reid, 139. 
Rich. 65. 
Richards, 65. 

Richardson, 21, 24, 25, 28, 64, 119. 
Richmond, 21. 
R»Sgby, 273- 
Ring, 16, 2i. 
Ripon Hall, 277. 

Ritson, 70. 

Rives, 258. 
/Roadman, 139. 

Roane, 269. 

Roberts, 218. 

Robertson, 51, 140. " 

Robins, 21, 52, 58. 

Robinson. 21, 69, 277. 

Rodes, 72. 

Roebuck, 201. 

Rogers, 185, 200. 

Rolfe, 145. 

Rorer, 63. 

Rose, 13. 

Roth rock, 70. 

Ross, 140. 

Roosevelt, 2. 

Rootes, 21. 

Routh, 209. 

Row, 118- 

Rowan, 65. 

Rowland, 21, 34, 218, 228. 

Rowsay, 140. 

Royall, 27. 

Ruffin, 31-46, I54-I7I, 240-259, 297. 

Ruffin's Farmer's Register, 172. 

Rugby, 17, 210. 

Rush, 61, 239. 

Russell, 30, 60, 139, 140, 161, 169. 

Rutherford, 21. 

Rutledge, 06. 

Salisbury, 187, 264, 

Sandifer, 116, 217. 

Sanford, 267. 

Saunders, 140. 

Savage, 55. 58. 

Sayers, 176. 

Sayre, 246, 247. 

Scarborough, 277. 

Schlatter, 130. 

Schrever, 187-188, 189, 190. 

Schuyler, 79, 81. 

Scott, 156, 178, 215, 217, 298. 

Scouvement, 140. 

Seay, 21, 22, 124. 

Sebril, 14, 208. 

Seddon, 285. 

Selby, 140. 

Selden, 225, 226. 

Semmes, 147. 

Sensserfe, 276. 

Sergeant, 70. 

Seward, 41. 13*. 157. 158. 

Sharpe, 65, 232. 

Shaw) 65. 

Shearman, 271. 

Shelby, 08, 239. 

Sheild, 130. 

Shelendine, 11, 205. 


: \ 


Shclton. 22, 117, 259, 
ShcphcTd, 22, 216. 

Shcppards, 285. 

Sheridan, 38, 296. 

Sherman, 43, 296. 

"Sherwood Forest," 22s, 226. 

Shields, 22. 

Shipp Desire, Ye, 276. 

Shipp Honor, 206, 207. 

Shipp King David, 276. 

Simcoe, 46. 

Simpkins, 23. 

Sims, 22, 23, 123. 

Simmons, 221. 

Singleton, 140. 

Skip with, 281, 282. 

Slaughter, 281. 

Sledd, 23 

Slough, 10. 

Smead, 285, 288. 

Smelt, 23. 

Smith, 7, 23, 26, 30, 50, 71, 72, 107, HI, 

119, 177, 182. 188, 255, 265, 267, 

269, 277, 292-294. 
Smithwick, 295. 
Sneed, 23. 
Snelson, 23. 
Sorrell, 115. 
South all, 140. 
Southworth, 23. 
Span, 200. 

Spain, 214, 217, 218. 
Spicer, 24, 124. 
Spotswood, 222, 277. 
Springer, 62. 

St Anne's Parish, 60, 65, 67, 68, 69. 
St. George's Parish, 65, 67, 68, 69. 
St. John's Church, 294. 
St. John's Parish, 60, 65, 67, 68. 69. 
St. Martin's Parish, 21, 22, 26, 27, 29, 

30 119, 122, 123, 125. 
St. Mary's Parish, 21, 182. 
St. Mary's Rent Roll, 115. 
St Patrick's Parish, 173, 261, 262, 263. 
St Paul's Parish, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27 

28, 29, 30, 117, 118, 119, 122, 124 

f 25. 
St Stephen's Parish Register, 189, 191 
Slag Creek, 26. 
Stanford, 272. 
Stanely, 24, 270. 
Stark (Starke), 25, 28, 92, 217. 
Starrman, 274. 
State Capitol, 296. 
Steer, 67. 
Stettenious, 131. 
Steuben, 109. 
Stevens, 46. 
Stevenson, 248. 

Stewart, 26, 281. 
Stillington, 19, 212. 
Stith, 143, 221. 
StQckley, 21. 

Stoke, 175- ^ 

Stone, 16, 113, 210, 219, 221. 
Stoney Branch, 28. 
Stonestreet, 68. 
Stork, 293. 295. 
Stott, 218. 
Street, 25, 118. 
Stringer, 18, 56, 211. 
Strother, 143. 
Stuart, 25, 26, 27. 
Stubbins, 17, 18, 211. 
Sturman, 190. 
Suggett, 189. 
Sully, 220. 
Sumner, 271. 
"Sunderland Hall," 71- 
Susquehannas, 182. 
Sutton, 66, 67. 
Swann, 266, 267, 268. 
•S win ford, 61. 
Sydnor, 26, 28, 121, 215. 
Synie, 26, 27, 124. 
Tabb, 214, 216. 
Taliaferro, 140. 
Tallmadge, 5. 

Tally (Talley), 25, 27, 28, 123, 124. 
Taptico, 267. 
Tarlton (Tarleton), 46, 61, 93, 97, 98, 

99, 100, 101, 102, 103. 
Tarpley. 202, 214, 261, 263, 267, 268. 
Tate, 25, 28. 
Tatemenony, 194. 
Tayloe, 177, 277, 283, 284, 294. 
Taylor, 11, 25, 26* 28, 63, 64, 70, 120, 

140, 205, 222, 228, 265, 268, 269, 

272, 273. 275, 297, 298. 
Tazewell, 58. 
Tebbs, 115. 
Terrell, 28, 29. 
Terry, 21. 

Thacker, 29, 123, 141, 208, 275. 
Therman, 30. 
Thilman, 29, 120, 103. 
Thomas, 68, 163. 
Thomson, 29, 30, 121. 
Thompson, 22, 25, 26, 29, 30, 132, 219. 
Thornston, 259. 
Thornton, 30, 119, 125, 131, 185, 259, 

266. 267, 277. 
Thorowgood, 277. 
Thrasher, 49. 
Thruston, 294. 

Thurman (Thurmand), 28, 30. 
Thweatt 216. 
Thwaiter, 149. 



Til ton, 1 68. 

Timberlake, 22, 24, 121. 

Tim5on, 219. 

Tinslcy. 24, 25, 2*5, 30, 117, 119, 121, 

124. 125. 
Todd, 11, 17.63, 117, 205, 210. 

Toltr, 23, 28, 117, 124. 

Toles, 27. 

Tomlinsoo, 118. 

Toombs, 253. 

Totopotorny Creek, 27, 28, 3a 117, 119, 
120, 121, 122, 124, 125. 

-Town Fields," 51. 

Townscnd, 16, 210. 

Trasford, 19, 212. 

Travers. 199, 267. 

Traylor, 245. 

Trent, The, 157. 

Trevilian, 119. 
.Trimble, 233, 235, 237, 238, 239. 

Trinity Parish, 72. 

Triplett, 295. 

Trotter, 46, 218. 

Truro Parish, 294. 

Trussell, 184. 

Tucker, 7, 8, 9, 70, Ii3, 175, 176. 214, 
215, 216. 278, 279, 280, 281, 286, 297. 

Tullock, 118. 

Tunstall, 118. 

Turberville, 200, 201. 

Tamer, 45, 118, 119, 120, 125, 126, 216. 

Turney, 191. 

Tyler, 1, 2, 4, 5. 119, 120, 143, 22;, 226, 
281, 2S8, 289, 290. 

Tyman, 275, 276. 

Tyree, 119, 120, 121. 

Underwood, 43, 296. 

Upper Machodock Neck, 292. 

Upton, 19, 212, 

Uric 141. 

Utie, 19, 213. 

Van Buren, 3, 283. 

Vanheck, 59. 

Vanhorn, 47. 

Vantandigham, 67. 

Van Ness, 239. 

Vason, =0. 

Vaughan, 295. 

Vaus, 16, 210, 273. 

Vauson, 275. 

Vest, 119. 

Via, 119. 

Vinton, 40. 

Virginia Farmer, The, 172, 173. 

Virginia Gazette, 260. 

Virginia Magazine of History and Biog- 
raphy, 191, iqj, 293. 

Virginia State Library, 142. 

VideM, 214. 

Wade, 30, 114. 116, 122, 123, 124. 

Waddill, 214. 

Waddy, 29, 118, 1 83, 200, 264, 265. 

Wale, 198, 199, 261. 

Walker, 4* > 123, 124, 125. 181, 217, 256, 

Wallace, 214. 
Waller, .41. 
Wallis, 274. 
Walters, 68. 
Walton, 70, 125. 
Warden, 21, 27. 
Ware. 66. 
Warner, 131, 277. 

Warren, 52, 

Wash, 30. 

Washington, 41, 46, 47, 71, 75, 76, 79, 

85, 86, 90, 91, 92, 93, 96, 99, 100, 

101, 102, in, 178-181, 199, 220, 

223, 286, 288. 
Waters, 51, 52, 55, 36, 176, 
Watens Creek, 21. 

Watkins, 23, 25, 124, 125, 2:4, 2:5, 2:6. 
Watson, 41, 67, 124, 125. 
Watts, 26, 64, 124, 186, 214, 215, 218. 
Wauehop, 113. 
Webb, 169, 186. 
Webster, 4, 283. 
Wells (WelLes), 40, 147, 218. 
Werococomoco. 2^2. 
Wessington, 179. 
V.'cst, 16, 210, 277. 
Westmoreland, 214. 
Wharaclirie, Lord, 169, 17a 171. 
Whealer, 21. 
Wheatley, 66. 
Wheeler, 20, 2;6, 272. 
Whitaker, 186." 
White, 20, 29. ;i, 122, 123, 124, 125, 

172, 272. 
Whiretield, 220. 
Whitehead, 215. 
Whiting, 178, 277. 
Whitlock, 28, 120, 121, 123, 124. 
Wicker, 26. 
Wickershani, 67. 
Wickbarn, 71. 
Wicomico Parish, 188, 189, 191, 26^ 

268, 270. 
Wicomico Indian Town, 193, 194, 266, 

Widgon. «6. 
Wilde, 276". 
Wilderpoole, n?. 

Wilkinson, 87. SS, go. 114, 124, 125, 126. 
Williami. 63. 97. I9> 214. 217. 21* 2*7- 



Williamsburg (Middle Plantation), 8, 

io, 46, 70, 71. 174. 204, 208, 222. 

223, 273, 278, 279, 280, 286, 287. 

Williamsburg Lodge of Masons, 222. 

William and Mary College, 6, 7, 8, 9, 

71, 72, 174, 203. 278, 279, 285, 286, 

291, 292, 297. 

William and Mary College Charter, 

William and Mary College Library, 

William and Mary College Chapel, 

IVilliatn and Mary College Quarterly, 
8, 3*. 33. 46, 48, 50, 59, 72, 115, 
130, 143, 144. 145, 154, 174, 176, 177, 
178, 180, 185, 186, 189, 190, 193, 
240, 292, 293, 295. 
', Willoughby, 277. 
Wilre, 209. 

Wilson, 59, 62, 63, 69, 273, 276. 295. 
( Wills, 261, 271, 276, 277. 
} Winfree, 118. 
/Wingfield, 22, 23, 25, 26, 28, 29, 120, 
■!/**■■ 122, 123, 124, 125. 
^/Winn, 117, 122, 126. 

Winston, 21, 23, 26, 28, 29, 118, 119, 
120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126. 
, Winter. 195, 265. 
Winthrop, 289. • 
Withers, 198, 200. 
Witherspoon, 72. 

Withington, 193. 
Wolfe, 79, 81, 122. 
Wolseley, 223. 
Worn bill, 15, 209. 
---Wood, 129, 141, 173. 
Woodley, 273. 
Woodson, 122, 123. 
Woodward, 17.6, 177, 178. 
Woody, 117, 123. 124. 
Woolaston, 220. 
Wool folk, 23, 29, 123, 124. 
Wormeley, 14, 17, 18, 19, 174, 208, 210, 

211, 212, 275, 277. 

Worsham, 218-. 

Wray, 141. 

Wrenn, 203. .. 

Wright, 15, 63, 125, 208, 209, 297, 298. 

Wyate, 12. 

Wynm 218. 

Wythe, 141, 288, 294. 

Yarbough, 125. 

Yardley, 106, 277. 

Yeamans, 119. 

Yeocomico, 182. 

York County, 71, 176, 204-213, 272-277. 

York Parish, 10, 17, 275. 

Yorktown, 10, 12, 16, 47, 70, 79, 90, 

104, 116, 123. 
Young, 68, 141, 215, 218, 219. 
Yowell, 190. 
Ziegler, 131.